(Chiến tranh Việt Nam)
|ផ្នែកនៃសង្គ្រាមឥណ្ឌូចិន និង សង្គ្រាមត្រជាក់|
ឧទ្ធម្ភាគចក្របិល្លUH-១Dបានបើកដោយវរសេនីយត្រីប៊្រូស ផ. ខ្រេនដលឡើងឆ្ពោះទៅលើមេឃបន្ទាប់ពីការបញ្ចេញបន្ទុកពួកទាហានថ្មើរជើងស.អា.ក្នុងបេសកកម្មស្វែងរក និង កម្ទេច
|មេបញ្ជាការ និង មេដឹកនាំ|
ចន ផ្វ. ខេនណឹឌី
លីនដឹន ប. ចនសុន
វៀតណាមខាងជើង: ២៨៧៤៦៥ (មករា ១៩៦៨)
|សហេតុភាព និង ការខាងបង់|
| វៀតណាមខាងជើង & វៀតកុង
យោធិន៤០០០០០ –១១០០០០០ស្លាប់ រឺ បាត់ខ្លួន
សង្គ្រាមវៀតណាម (វៀតណាម ៖ Chiến tranh Việt Nam)គឺជាការប៉ះទង្គិចយោធាសម័យសង្គ្រាមត្រជាក់ដែលបានកើតឡើងនៅវៀតណាម លាវ និង កម្ពុជា ចាប់ពី ១ វិច្ឆិកា ១៩៥៥[A ១] រហូតដល់ការធ្លាក់សៃហ្គននៅថ្ងៃ៣០ មេសា ១៩៧៥។ សង្គ្រាមនេះបានបន្តពីសង្គ្រាមឥណ្ឌូចិនលើកទីមួយ និងត្រូវបានប្រយុទ្ធគ្នារវាង វៀតណាមខាងជើង គាំទ្រដោយសម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តកុម្មុយនិស្តរបស់ខ្លួន និងរដ្ឋាភិបាលវៀតណាមខាងត្បូង គាំទ្រដោយសហរដ្ឋ និង បណ្ដាប្រទេសប្រឆាំងកុម្មុយនិស្ត។ វៀតកុង (ក៏បានស្គាល់ថាជារណសិរ្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ រឺ រ.ស.ជ.) រណសិរ្សរួមកុម្មុយនិស្តវៀតណាមខាងត្បូងប្រដាប់អាវុធស្រាលដឹកនាំដោយពួកខាងជើង ភាគច្រើនបានប្រយុទ្ធនឹងសង្គ្រាមទ័ពព្រៃប្រឆាំងនឹងកងកម្លាំងប្រឆាំងកុម្មុយនិស្តក្នុងតំបន់នេះ។ កងទ័ពប្រជាជនវៀតណាម (កងទ័ពវៀតណាមខាងជើង) បានភ្ជាប់ខ្លួនទៅក្នុងសង្គ្រាមតាមអនុសញ្ញា នៅពេលទាំងប៉ុន្មាននោះធ្វើឲ្យមានអង្គភាពជាច្រើនចូលទៅក្នុងសមរភូមិ។ កងកម្លាំងស.រ. និង វៀតណាមខាងត្បូងបានពឹងផ្អែកលើឧត្តមភាពអាកាស និង កម្លាំងបាញ់ប្រហារលើសលប់ដើម្បីធ្វើប្រតិបត្តិការស្វែងរកនិងកម្ទេច ដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងកងកម្លាំងលើដី កងកាំភ្លើងធំ និងការវាយប្រហារអាកាស។
រដ្ឋាភិបាលស.រ.បានយល់ថាការពាក់ព័ន្ធនៅក្នុងសង្គ្រាមជាផ្លូវមួយដើម្បីទប់ស្កាត់ការដណ្ដើមបានវៀតណាមខាងត្បូងដោយកុម្មុយនិស្តជាផ្នែកនៃយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រធំនៃភាពមានក្នុងរបស់ខ្លួន។ រដ្ឋាភិបាលវៀតណាមខាងជើង និង វៀតកុងបានកំពុងប្រយុទ្ធគ្នាដើម្បីបង្រួបបង្រួមវៀតណាមឡើងវិញក្រោមការដឹកនាំរបស់កុម្មុយនិស្ត។ ពួកគេបានបង្ហាញថាការប៉ះទង្គិចគ្នាជាសង្គ្រាមអាណានិគម ដើមឡើយបានប្រយុទ្ធនឹងបារាំង ដែលនៅពីក្រោយខ្នងដោយស.រ. និងក្រោយមកប្រឆាំងនឹងវៀតណាមខាងត្បូង ដែលខ្លួនបានចាត់ទុកថាជារដ្ឋអាយ៉ងស.រ.។ ពួកទីប្រឹក្សាយោធាអាមេរិកបានមកដល់នៅអ្វីដែលនៅពេលនោះគឺជាសហភាពឥណ្ឌូចិនចាប់ផ្ដើមនៅការពាក់ព័ន្ធស.រ. ១៩៥០បានរឹតតែធំឡើងនៅដើមទសវត្ស១៩៦០ ដែលមានកម្រិតកងទ័ពកើនឡើងបីដងនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦១ និងកើនឡើងបីដងទៀតនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦២។ ពួកអង្គភាពតស៊ូស.រ.ត្រូវបានដាក់ពង្រាយចាប់ដើមដំបូងនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៥។ ប្រតិបត្តិការជាច្រើនបានឆ្លងកាត់ព្រំដែនអន្តរជាតិ ជាមួយលាវ និង កម្ពុជាបានទម្លាក់គ្រាប់បែកដ៏ច្រើន។ ការពាក់ព័ន្ធក្នុងសង្គ្រាមរបស់អាមេរិកបានដល់កំពូលនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៦៨ នៅក្នុងពេលនៃការវាយលុកតេត។ បន្ទាប់ពីនេះ កងកម្លាំងលើដីស.រ.ត្រូវបានដកចេញបន្តិចម្ដងៗជាផ្នែកនៃគោលនយោបាយដែលគេស្គាល់ថាជាវៀតណាមនីយកម្ម។ ទោះបីកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពប៉ារីស បានចុះហត្ថលេខាដោយគ្រប់ភាគីទាំងអស់នៅ ខែមករា ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៣ ក៏ដោយ ក៏ការប្រយុទ្ធបានបន្ត។
ការពាក់ព័ន្ធខាងយោធាស.រ.បានបញ្ចប់នៅថ្ងៃ១៥ សីហា ១៩៧៣ ជាលទ្ធផលមួយនៃវិសោធនកម្មខេស-ឆឺចបានអនុម័តដោយសមាជស.រ.។ ការកាន់កាប់សៃហ្គនដោយកងទ័ពប្រជាជនវៀតណាមនៅខែមេសា ១៩៧៥ បានកត់សម្គាល់នូវទីបញ្ចប់នៃសង្គ្រាម ហើយវៀតណាមខាងជើង និងត្បូងត្រូវបានបង្រួបបង្រួមគ្នាឡើងវិញនូវឆ្នាំបន្ទាប់។ សង្គ្រាមនេះបានតម្រូវអោយចំណាយមនុស្សដ៏ច្រើនជាចំណែកនៃអត្រាមរណភាព (សូមមើលសហេតុភាពសង្គ្រាមវៀតណាម)។ ការប៉ាន់ប្រមាណនៃពួកទាហាន និងអសេនិកជនវៀតណាមបានស្លាប់ប្រែប្រួសខុសគ្នាចាប់ពី៨០០០០០ដល់៣,១លាននាក់។ មួយចំនួន ខ្មែរ២០០០០០–៣០០០០០នាក់  លាវ២០០០០–២០០០០០នាក់  និងពួកសមាជិកបម្រើការស.រ. ៥៨២២០នាក់ ក៏បានស្លាប់ក្នុងការប៉ះទង្គិចនេះដែរ។[A ២]
- ១ ឈ្មោះនៃសង្គ្រាម
- ២ សាវតារមកដល់ឆ្នាំ១៩៤៩
- ៣ ការចាកចេញនៃពួកបារាំង ១៩៥០–១៩៥៤
- ៤ សម័យអន្តរកាល
- ៥ ក្នុងសម័យកាលឆ្នាំ, 1955–1963
- ៦ Lyndon B. Johnson's escalation, 1963–1969
- ៧ Vietnamization, 1969–1972
- ៨ Opposition to U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War: 1962–1973
- ៩ Exit of the Americans: 1973–1975
- ១០ Other countries' involvement
- ១១ War crimes
- ១២ Women in Vietnam
- ១៣ Weapons
- ១៤ Aftermath
- ១៥ See also
- ១៦ Annotations
- ១៧ Notes
- ១៨ References
- ១៩ External links
ឈ្មោះផ្សេងៗត្រូវបានដាក់បញ្ចូលទៅក្នុងការប៉ះទង្គិចនេះ។ សង្គ្រាមវៀតណាម គឺជានាមដែលបានប្រើទូទៅបំផុតជាភាសាអង់គ្លេស។ វាក៏ត្រូវបានហៅ សង្គ្រាមនៅឥណ្ឌូចិនទីពីរ និង ការប៉ះទង្គិចជាមួយវៀតណាម។
តាមមកក៏មានការប៉ះទង្គិចច្រើនក្នុងឥណ្ឌូចិន ការប៉ះទង្គិចនេះត្រូវបានស្គាល់ដោយឈ្មោះនៃអ្នកប្រឆាំងសំខាន់របស់ខ្លួនដើម្បីធ្វើឲ្យវាប្លែកពីពួកអ្នកដទៃផ្សេង។ ជាភាសាវៀតណាម សង្គ្រាមនេះជាទូទៅត្រូវបានគេស្គាល់ថា Chiến tranh Việt Nam (សង្គ្រាមវៀតណាម)។ វាក៏ត្រូវបានហៅថា Kháng chiến chống Mỹ (សង្គ្រាមតស៊ូប្រឆាំងនឹងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក) បានប្រែថាឲ្យតែបានថាសង្គ្រាមប្រឆាំងនឹងអាមេរិក។
អង្គការយោធាសំខាន់ៗបានពាក់ព័ន្ធនៅក្នុងសង្គ្រាមគឺថា នៅម្ខាង កងទ័ពសាធារណរដ្ឋវៀតណាម (ក.ស.វ.ណ.) និងយោធាស.រ. និងម្ខាងទៀត កងទ័ពប្រជាជនវៀតណាម (ក.ប.វ.) (ក៏បានស្គាល់ថាកងទ័ពវៀតណាមខាងជើង រឺ ក.វ.ជ.) និងពួកវៀតកុង រឺ រណសិរ្សជាតិដើម្បីរំដោះវៀតណាមខាងត្បូង (រ.រ.ជ.) កម្លាំងទ័ពព្រៃកុម្មុយនិស្តវៀតណាមខាងត្បូង។
បារាំងបានចាប់ផ្ដើមការសញ្ជ័យឥណ្ឌូចិនរបស់ខ្លួននៅចុងទសវត្ស១៨៥០ និងបានសម្រេចសន្តិភាវកម្មនៅឆ្នាំ១៨៩៣។ សន្ធិសញ្ញាហ្វេ បានសម្រេចបង្ហើយនៅឆ្នាំ១៨៨៤ បានបង្កើតនូវមូលដ្ឋានសម្រាប់ការគ្រប់គ្រងអាណានិគមបារាំងនៅវៀតណាមអស់ប៉ុន្មានប្រាំពីរទសវត្សក្រោយមកទៀត។ ទោះបីជាមានការតស៊ូយោធា គួរឲ្យកត់សំគាល់បំផុតដោយកឹនវឿញរបស់ផាន-ឌីញភ្វូង នៅឆ្នាំ១៨៨៨ តំបន់នៃប្រទេសជាតិសម័យថ្មីៗនៃកម្ពុជា និងវៀតណាមត្រូវបង្កើតឲ្យទៅជាអាណានិគមនៃសហភាពឥណ្ឌូចិន (លាវត្រូវបានបញ្ចូលបន្ថែមនៅពេលក្រោយ)។ ចលនាប្រឆាំងវៀតណាមផ្សេងៗទល់នឹងការគ្រប់គ្រងរបស់បារាំងដែលមានអត្ថិភាពកំឡុងសម័យកាលនោះ ដូចជាវៀតណាមឃ្វកជឹនដាញ ដែលបានបង្កើតឲ្យមានសង្កុបកម្មអៀនបាយដែលបានបរាជ័យនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៣០ ប៉ុន្តែគ្មានណាមួយនៅទីបញ្ចប់បានជោគជ័យដូចរណសិរ្សរួមវៀតមិញឡើយ ដែលបានស្ថាបនាឡើងនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៤១ គ្រប់គ្រងដោយបក្សកុម្មុយនិស្តឥណ្ឌូចិន និងបានផ្ដល់ប្រាក់ដោយស.រ. និងគណបក្សជាតិនិយមចិនក្នុងការប្រយុទ្ធប្រឆាំងរបស់ខ្លួនទល់នឹងការកាន់កាប់របស់ជប៉ុន។ [A ៣]
កំឡុងសង្គ្រាមលោកលើកទី២ ពួកបារាំងត្រូវបានវាយឲ្យចាញ់ដោយពួកអាល្លឺម៉ង់នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៤០។ ចំពោះសហភាពឥណ្ឌូចិន នេះមានន័យថារដ្ឋអំណាចអាណានិគមបានក្លាយជាបារាំងវិចឈី ពួកសម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តនៃពួកមហាអំណាចអ័ក្សអាល្លឺម៉ង់-អ៊ីតាលី។ ជាលំដាប់ នេះមានន័យថាពួកបារាំងបានធ្វើសហការជាមួយកងកម្លាំងជប៉ុនបន្ទាប់ពីការលុកលុយសហភាពឥណ្ឌូចិនរបស់ខ្លួនកំឡុងឆ្នាំ១៩៤០។ ពួកបារាំងបានបន្តដំណើរការកិច្ចការក្នុងដែនអាណានិគម ប៉ុន្តែអំណាចនៅទីបំផុតបានស្ថិតនៅក្នុងកណ្ដាប់ដៃនៃពួកជប៉ុន។
វៀតមិញត្រូវបានស្ថាបនាឡើងជាសម្ព័ន្ធដើម្បីឯករាជ្យពីបារាំង ប៉ុន្តែក៏បានប្រឆាំងការកាន់កាប់របស់ជប៉ុនដែរនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៤៥ ចំពោះហេតុផលដដែល។ ស.រ. និងគណបក្សជាតិនិយមចិនបានគាំទ្រពួកគេនៅក្នុងការវាយប្រឆាំងនឹងពួកជប៉ុន។ យ៉ាងណាៗ ពួកគេមិនមានអំណាចគ្រប់គ្រាន់ដើម្បីប្រយុទ្ធគ្នាក្នុងសមរភូមិជាក់ស្ដែងនៅលើកដំបូង។ មេដឹកនាំវៀតមិញ ហូ-ជីមិញត្រូវបានសង្ស័យនឹងក្លាយជាជនកុម្មុយនិស្ត និងត្រូវដាក់គុកអស់រយៈពេលមួយឆ្នាំដោយគណបក្សជាតិនិយមចិន។
ការកាន់កាប់ទ្វេដងដោយដោយបារាំងនិងជប៉ុនបានបន្តរហូតដល់កងកម្លាំងអាល្លឺម៉ងត្រូវបានបណ្ដេញពីបារាំងនិងរដ្ឋអំណាចអាណានិគមឥណ្ឌូចិនបារាំងចាប់ផ្ដើមប្រារព្ធការជជែកពិភាក្សាសម្ងាត់ជាមួយពួកបារាំងសេរី។ ដោយខ្លាចរអែងនោះ ពួកគេលែងជឿជាក់រដ្ឋអំណាចបារាំង កងទ័ពជប៉ុនបានឃុំឃាំងពួកគេទាំងអស់នៅថ្ងៃ៩ មីនា ១៩៤៥ និងបានបង្កើតរដ្ឋអាយ៉ងមួយជំនួស អធិរាជាណាចក្រវៀតណាម ក្រោមការដឹកនាំបាវ-ដាយ។
កំឡុងឆ្នាំ១៩៤៤–១៩៤៥, គ្រោះទុរ្ភិក្សយ៉ាងខ្លាំងបានវាយប្រហារវៀតណាមខាងជើងដោយសារការរួមផ្សំគ្នាដោយធាតុអាកាសអាក្រក់និងការជញ្ជក់យកប្រយោជន៍របស់បារាំង/ជប៉ុន (សហភាពឥណ្ឌូចិនត្រូវផ្គត់ផ្គង់គ្រាប់ធញ្ញជាតិដល់ជប៉ុន)។ រវាងមនុស្ស៤០០០០០ និង២លាននាក់ បានស្លាប់ដោយសារការអត់ឃ្លាន (ក្រៅពីប្រជាជនក្នុងចំណោម១០លាននាក់នៅតំបន់រងឥទ្ធិពល)។ ការធ្វើអាជីវកម្មលើច្រករដ្ឋបាល ដែលនោះអន្តេវាសិកន៍នៃពួកបារាំងបានបង្កើតឡើង ពួកវៀតមិញនៅខែមីនា ១៩៤៥ បានជម្រុញប្រជាជនឲ្យរុករើរកឃ្លាំងអង្ករ និងបដិសេធបង់ពន្ធរបស់ខ្លួន។ រវាងឃ្លាំងឥវ៉ាន់ ៧៥ និង១០០ត្រូវបានវាយឆ្មក់ជាបន្តបន្ទាប់។ ឧទ្ទាមកម្មនេះប្រឆាំងនឹងការប៉ះពាល់នៃគ្រោះទុរ្ភិក្ស និងពួករដ្ឋអំណាចខ្លះដែលទទួលខុសត្រូវដោយលំអៀងចំពោះវាបានគាំទ្រប្រជាប្រិយភាពរបស់វៀតមិញ ហើយពួកគេបានកេណ្ឌសមាជិកជាច្រើនកំឡុងសម័យនោះ។
២២ សីហា ១៩៤៥ បន្តបន្ទាប់ពួកជប៉ុនចុះចាញ់ ពួកភ្នាក់ងារក.ស.យ. អាខឹមីឌិស-ភែតរី និង ខាលតឹន-ប-ស៊្វីផ្វ-ជែអ បានមកដល់ហាណូយនៅក្នុងបេសកកម្មមេត្តាធម៌ដើម្បីរំដោះទ.ស.សម្ព័ន្ធមិត្ត និង ត្រូវបានចូលរួមដោយហ្សង់-សង់តឺនី អ្នករដ្ឋការមួយរូបរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាលបារាំង។ កងកម្លាំងជប៉ុនបានចុះចាញ់ក្រៅផ្លូវការ (ការចុះចាញ់ជាផ្លូវការបានធ្វើឡើងនៅថ្ងៃ២ កញ្ញា នៅឆកសមុទ្រតូក្យូ) ប៉ុន្តែការក្លាយជាកងកម្លាំងតែមួយគត់ដែលមានសមត្ថភាពក្នុងការថែរក្សាច្បាប់និងបញ្ជាកងទ័ពអធិរាជជប៉ុនដែលបានបន្សល់ទុកអំណាចដែលកាលណោះទុកឲ្យកងទ័ពអាណានិគមបារាំង និងសង់តឺនីបានក្ដោបក្ដាប់។
កំឡុងខែសីហា កងកម្លាំងជប៉ុនបានអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យពួកវៀតមិញ និងក្រុមជាតិនិយមដទៃទៀតដណ្ដើមអគារសាធារណៈ និងអាវុធដោយមិនបាច់តស៊ូ ដែលបានចាប់ផ្ដើមបដិវត្តន៍ខែសីហា។ ពួកនាយទាហានក.ស.យ.បានជួបប្រទះដដែលៗជាមួយហូ-ជីមិញ និងពួកនាយទាហានវៀតមិញដទៃទៀតកំឡុងសម័យនេះ និងនៅថ្ងៃ២ កញ្ញា ១៩៤៥ ហូ-ជីមិញបានប្រកាសសាធារណរដ្ឋប្រជាធិបតេយ្យវៀតណាមឯករាជ្យមុនពេលហ្វូងមនុស្សមួយហ្វូងចំនួន៥០០០០០នាក់នៅហាណូយ។ នៅក្នុងសំណើសម្រាប់ដោះស្រាយទៅពួកអាមេរិក លោកបានចាប់ផ្ដើមសន្ទរកថារបស់ខ្លួនដោយការបកស្រាយទូលំទូលាយការប្រកាសឯករាជ្យរបស់សហរដ្ឋ: មនុស្សទាំងអស់ត្រូវស្មើគ្នា។ អ្នកបង្កើតត្រូវផ្ដល់ឱ្យយើងនូវសិទ្ធដែលមិនអាចរំលោភបំពានយ៉ាងប្រាកដ: សិទ្ធិដើម្បីរស់ សិទ្ធិមានសេរីភាព និងសិទ្ធិទទួលបានសុភមង្គល។
ពួកវៀតមិញបានក្ដាប់អំណាចបានដណ្ដើមអំណាចឆ្លងចូលវៀតណាមក្នុងបដិវត្តន៍ខែសីហា ភាគច្រើនបានគាំទ្រដោយប្រជាជនវៀតណាមតាមរយៈប្រវត្តិវិទូឆ្វេងថ្មីហ៊្គែបប្រៀល-ឃលកូ។ បន្ទាប់ពីការចាញ់របស់ខ្លួននៅក្នុងសង្គ្រាមនេះ កងទ័ពជប៉ុនចក្រពត្តិ (ក.ជ.ច.)បានផ្ដល់អាវុធឱ្យពួកវៀតណាម និងបានទុកពួកមន្ត្រីរដ្ឋការវិចឈីបារាំង និងពួកនាយទាហានបានដាក់គុកអស់រយៈពេលមួយខែបន្ទាប់ពីការចុះចាញ់មក។ ពួកវៀតមិញបានកេណ្ឌទាហានជប៉ុនច្រើនជាង៦០០នាក់និងបានផ្ដល់ឱ្យពួកគេមានតួនាទីដើម្បីហ្វឹកហ្វឺន រឺ បញ្ជាការពួកទាហានវៀតណាម។
យ៉ាងណាៗ ពួកសម្ព័ន្ធឈ្នះសង្គ្រាមលោកលើកទី២សំខាន់ៗ សហរាជាណាចក្រ សហរដ្ឋ និងសហភាពសូវៀត ទាំងអស់គ្នាបានយល់ស្របថាតំបន់នេះជារបស់ពួកបារាំង។ តាមតែពួកបារាំងមិនមាននាវា អាវុធ រឺក៏ ទាហានដើម្បីដណ្ដើមយកវៀតណាមឡើងវិញភ្លាមៗបានទេ ពួកមហាអំណាចបានយកមកនូវកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងដែលថាកងទ័ពប៊្រីតធិឝនឹងកាន់កាប់ភាគខាងត្បូងកាលណោះកងកម្លាំងជាតិនិយមចិនបាននឹងរំកិលខ្លួនចូលពីភាគខាងជើង។ កងទ័ពចិនជាតិនិយមបានចូលទៅប្រទេសនេះដើម្បីដកហូតអាវុធកងទ័ពជប៉ុនខាងជើងនៃខ្សែស្របទី១៦ នៅថ្ងៃ១៤ កញ្ញា ១៩៤៥។ នៅពេលនោះ ពួកប៊្រិតធិឝបានចុះចតនៅភាគខាងត្បូង ពួកគេបានផ្ដល់អាវុធវិញទៅដល់កងកម្លាំងបារាំងដែលបានឃុំឃាំងដូចគ្នាជាផ្នែកនៃកងកម្លាំងជប៉ុនចុះចាញទៅជួយពួកគេក្នុងការដណ្ដើមយកវៀតណាមនៅភាគខាងត្បូងមកវិញ តាមតែពួកគេមិនមានកងទ័ពគ្រប់គ្រាន់ដើម្បីធ្វើដូចនេះខ្លួនឯង។
លើការជម្រុញនៃសហភាពសូវៀត ហូ-ជីមិញជាអាទិ៍បានប៉ុនប៉ងដើម្បីចរចាជាមួយពួកបារាំង ដែលជាអ្នកកំពុងតែស្ថាបនាការគ្រប់គ្រងរបស់ខ្លួនឡើងវិញយឺតៗឆ្លងកាត់តំបន់នេះ។ នៅខែមករា ១៩៤៦ ពួកវៀតមិញបានឈ្នះការបោះឆ្នោតទូទាំងវៀតណាមកណ្ដាល និង ខាងជើង។ នៅថ្ងៃ៦ មីនា ១៩៤៦ លោកហូបានចុះហត្ថលេខាកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងមួយដែលអនុញ្ញាតឱ្យកងកម្លាំងបារាំងជំនួសកងកម្លាំងចិនជាតិនិយម ក្នុងការដោះដូរវិញការទទួលស្គាល់សាធារណរដ្ឋប្រជាធិបតេយ្យវៀតណាមរបស់បារាំងជាសាធារណរដ្ឋ"សេរី" ដែលក្នុងសហភាពបារាំង ជាមួយចំណុចចំៗដូចជាការទទួលស្គាល់ត្រូវបានសម្រេចដោយការចរចានាពេលអនាគត។ ពួកបារាំងបានចុះចតនៅហាណូយនៅខែមីនា ១៩៤៦ និង នៅខែវិច្ឆិកានៃឆ្នាំនោះ ពួកគេបានបណ្ដេញពួកវៀតមិញចេញពីទីក្រុងនេះ។ កងកម្លាំងប៊្រិតធិឝបានចាកចេញនៅថ្ងៃ២៦ មីនា ១៩៤៦ ដែលបន្សល់ទុកវៀតណាមក្នុងកណ្ដាប់ដៃនៃពួកបារាំង។ ភ្លាមតាំងពីពេលនោះមក ពួកវៀតមិញបានផ្ដើមសង្គ្រាមទ័ពព្រៃប្រឆាំងនឹងកងកម្លាំងសហភាពបារាំង ដែលកំពុងចាប់ផ្ដើមសង្គ្រាមឥណ្ឌូចិនលើកទីមួយ។
សង្គ្រាមនេះបានរាលដាលដល់លាវ និង កម្ពុជា ដែលពួកកុម្មុយនិស្តបានរៀបចំបទេសលាវ និង ពួកខ្មែរសេរី ទាំងពីរក្នុងចំណោមនោះបានយកតាមគំរូពួកវៀតមិញ។ ជាសកល សង្គ្រាមត្រជាក់បានចាប់ផ្ដើមខ្លាំងមែនទែន មានន័យថាការផ្សះផ្សាគ្នាដែលធ្លាប់មានរវាងពួកមហាអំណាចខាងលិច និងសហភាពសូវៀតកំឡុងសង្គ្រាមលោកលើកទី២បានបែកបាក់គ្នាបន្តិចៗម្ដង។ ការប្រយុទ្ធប្រឆាំងរបស់វៀតមិញត្រូវបានរំខានដោយកង្វះខាតអាវុធយុទ្ធភណ្ឌ ស្ថានភាពនេះបានប្រែប្រួលនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៤៩ នៅពេលដែលពួកកុម្មុយនិស្តចិនបានឈ្នះសង្គ្រាមរដ្ឋប្បវេណីចិនដ៏ធំ និងបានដោះដៃបានដើម្បីផ្ដល់សព្វាវុធដល់សម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តវៀតណាមរបស់ខ្លួន។
នៅខែមករា ១៩៥០ ប្រជាជាតិកុម្មុយនិស្ត បានដឹកនាំដោយសាធារណរដ្ឋប្រជាមានិតចិន (ស.ប.ច.) បានទទួលស្គាល់សាធារណរដ្ឋប្រជាធិបតេយ្យវៀតណាមរបស់ពួកវៀតមិញដែលមានមូលដ្ឋាននៅហាណូយ តាមតែរដ្ឋាភិបាលវៀតណាម កាលណោះពួកប្រជាជាតិមិនមែនកុម្មុយនិស្តបានទទួលស្គាល់រដ្ឋវៀតណាមដែលមានបារាំងនៅពីក្រោយខ្នងនៅសៃហ្គន បានដឹកនាំដោយអតីតអធិរាជបាវ-ដាយ ជារដ្ឋាភិបាលវៀតណាម ខែបន្តបន្ទាប់។ ការផ្ទុះឡើងនៃសង្គ្រាមកូរ៉េនៅខែមិថុនា ១៩៥០បានធ្វើអោយពួកអ្នកបង្កើតគោលនយោបាយវ៉ាស៊ិងតោនទុកចិត្តថាសង្គ្រាមនៅឥណ្ឌូចិនគឺជាឧទាហរណ៍នៃការវាតទីនិយមរបស់កុម្មុយនិស្តបានដឹកនាំដោយក្រៀមម៉ឹល។
ពួកទីប្រឹក្សាយោធាស.ប.ច.បានចាប់ផ្ដើមជួយពួកវៀតមិញនៅខែកក្កដា ១៩៥០។ សព្វាវុធស.ប.ច. ជំនាញការ និងពួកពលករបានប្រែក្លាយពួកវៀតមិញពីកងកម្លាំងទ័ពព្រៃទៅជាកងទ័ពធម្មតា។ នៅខែកញ្ញា ១៩៥០ សហរដ្ឋបានបង្កើតក្រុមប្រឹក្សា និង ជំនួយការយោធា (ក.ប.ជ.យ.) ដើម្បីរារាំងសំណើបារាំងដើម្បីជួយ ប្រឹក្សាយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រ និងបង្វឹកពួកទាហានវៀតណាម។ នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៥៤ សហរដ្ឋបានផ្គត់ផ្គង់សព្វាវុធតូចតាច៣០០០០០ និង បានចំណាយ១សហលាន$ស.រ.ក្នុងការគាំទ្រដល់កិច្ចប្រឹងប្រែងខាងយោធាបារាំងដែលទទួលបាន៨០ភាគរយនៃដើមទុនសង្គ្រាមនេះ។ 
មានការជជែកគ្នាផងដែរ រវាងពួកបារាំង និង អាមេរិកដែលមានក្នុងនោះការប្រើប្រាស់លទ្ធភាពនៃអាវុធនយស្តិកលយុទ្ធបីដែលត្រូវបានពិចារណា ទោះបីរបាយការណ៍ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរយ៉ាងណាដែលនេះត្រូវបានពិចារណានិងដោយអ្នកណាមកទល់ឥឡូវមិនច្បាស់លាស់និងត្រូវគេប្រឆាំងជំទាស់នៅឡើយ។ កំណែមួយនៃផែនការនេះសម្រាប់ប្រតិបត្តិការត្មាតដែលបានស្នើបានមើលឃើញទៅមុខដោយការបញ្ជូនប-២៩ ៦០គ្រឿងពីមូលដ្ឋានទ័ពស.រ.នៅក្នុងតំបន់នេះ បានគាំទ្រតាមក្រោយច្រើនដូចគ្នា ដូចជាយន្តហោះប្រយុទ្ធ១៥០គ្រឿង មកពីនាវាដឹកជើងទឹកទីប្រាំពីររបស់ស.រ. ដើម្បីទម្លាក់គ្រាប់បែកលើទីតាំងជាច្រើនរបស់មេបញ្ជាការវ៉-ង្វៀនវ៉ាបរបស់វៀតមិញ។ ផែនការនេះរួមបញ្ចូលជម្រើសមួយដើម្បីប្រើរហូតដល់អាវុធបរមាណូបីគ្រាប់នៅតាមទីតាំងរបស់ពួកវៀតមិញ។ ឧត្តមនាវីឯក អាសឺរ-វិល្លៀមរ៉ាដផ្វឺន ប្រធាននៃនាយអគ្គសេនាធិការរួមរបស់ស.រ. បានផ្ដល់នូវជម្រើសនយស្តិនេះ ជាការជ្រោមជ្រែងរបស់លោក។ ប-២៩ ប-៣៦ និង ប-៤៧របស់ស.រ.អាចធ្វើការវាយលុកនយស្តិមួយ តាមតែអាច នាវាដឹកយន្តហោះមកពីកងនាវាទីប្រាំពីរ។
នាវាដឹករបស់ស.រ.បានចេញទៅដល់ឈូងសមុទ្រតុងកឹង និងការហោះហើរឈ្លបយកការណ៍លើដៀនបៀនផ្វុវត្រូវបានប្រព្រឹត្តិកំឡុងការចចារគ្នា។ តាមរយៈលោកអនុប្រធានាធិបតីស.រ. រីឆាដ-និច្សុន ផែនការនេះបានជាប់ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងនាយអគ្គសេនាធិការរួមដែលគូសវាសឡើងនៅផែនការជាច្រើនដើម្បីប្រើអាវុធនយស្តិកលយុទ្ធតូចៗបីនៅក្នុងការគាំទ្រដល់ពួកបារាំង។ លោកនិច្សុន ក៏បានហៅដូច្នេះដែរថាស្ទាំងនៅវៀតណាម បានណែនាំថាសហរដ្ឋប្រហែលត្រូវដាក់ពួកក្មេងៗអាមេរិកក្នុងនោះ។  ប្រធានាធិបតីស.រ. ដ្វែត-ដ.-អាយហ្សឹនហោវអឺរបានបង្កើតចំណែកចូលរួមរបស់អាមេរិកលើការគាំទ្រជួយដល់ប៊្រិតធិឝ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែទីក្រុងឡុងដ៍ត្រូវបានជំទាស់ដូចជាមានការផ្សងគ្រោះថ្នាក់។ នៅទីបញ្ចប់ បានធ្វើអោយជឿទុកចិត្តថាការប្រថុយប្រថានខាងនយោបាយបានអោយប្រយោជន៍ដែលអាចទៅរួចធ្ងន់ជាង លោកអាយហ្សឹនហោវអឺរ បានសម្រចចិត្តប្រឆាំងនឹងអន្តរាគមន៍នេះ។ តាមរយៈឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ផ្កាយប្រាំដែលមានបទពិសោធន៍មួយរូប លោកអាយហ្សឹនហោវអឺរបានប្រយ័ត្នប្រយែងក្នុងអោយសហរដ្ឋពាក់ព័ន្ធក្នុងសង្គ្រាមដីគោកនៅអាស៊ី។
ពួកវៀតមិញបានទទួលជំនួយជាចាំបាច់ពីសហភាពសូវៀតនិងស.ប.ច.។ ជំនួយរបស់ស.ប.ច.នៅក្នុងយុទ្ធនាការព្រំដែន១៩៥០បានអនុញ្ញាតឱ្យមានគ្រឿងផ្គត់ផ្គង់មកពីស.ប.ច.ចូលទៅវៀតណាម។ តាមការប៉ះទង្គិចទាំងមូល ការប៉ាន់ស្មានការស៊ើបការណ៍របស់ស.រ.ដែលមានការសង្ស័យនូវឱកាសទទួលបានជោគជ័យរបស់បារាំង។
សមរភូមិដៀនបៀនផ្វុវបានបង្ហាញនូវទីបញ្ចប់នៃការជំពាក់វាក់វិនរបស់បារាំងនៅឥណ្ឌូចិន។ កងកម្លាំងវៀតមិញរបស់លោកវ៉ាបបាននាំឲ្យពួកបារាំងទទួលនូវការបរាជ័យយោធាដែលគួរឱ្យភ្ញាក់ផ្អើល ហើយនៅថ្ងៃ៧ ឧសភា ១៩៥៤ យោធភូមិភាគសហភាពឥណ្ឌូចិនក៏បានចុះចាញ់។ ក្នុងចំណោមពួកអ្នកទោសបារាំង១២០០០នាក់ដែលចាប់បានដោយពួកវៀតមិញ មានតែ៣០០០នាក់ទេដែលបាននៅរស់។ នៅសន្និសីទសឺរណែវ ពួកបារាំងបានចរចារអោយមានកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងបទឈប់បាញ់មួយជាមួយពួកវៀតមិញ និងឯករាជត្រូវប្រគល់ឲ្យកម្ពុជា លាវ និង វៀតណាម។
វៀតណាមត្រូវបានបែងចែកគ្នាជាបណ្ដោះអាសន្ននៅខ្សែស្របទី១៧ និងនៅក្រោមលក្ខន្តិកៈនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសឺណែវ ពួកអសេនិកជនត្រូវផ្ដល់ឱកាសដើម្បីបំលាស់ទីដោយសេរីរវាងរដ្ឋបណ្ដោះអាសន្នទាំងពីររយៈកាល៣០០ថ្ងៃ។ ការបោះឆ្នោតទូទាំងប្រទេសត្រូវបានប្រារព្ធឡើងនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៥៦ដើម្បីបង្កើតអោយមានរដ្ឋាភិបាលរួបរួមមួយ។ ប្រហែលពួកអ្នកភាគខាងជើងមួយលាននាក់ ច្រើនតែពួកកាតូលិកភាគតិច បានរត់គេចទៅខាងត្បូង ដោយខ្លាចការកាត់ទោសដោយពួកកុម្មុយនិស្ត បន្តបន្ទាប់ពីយុទ្ធនាការឃោសនារបស់អាមេរិកមួយដែលប្រើពាក្យស្លោកជាច្រើនដូចជាម៉ារីបរិសុទ្ធកំពុងដឹកនាំឆ្ពោះទៅភាគខាងត្បូង ហើយបានជួយដោយស.រ.ផ្ដល់កម្មវិធីការតាំងលំនៅថ្មី៩៣លាន$ ដែលរួមបញ្ចូលពួកជនភៀសខ្លួនកំពុងចុះទូកចម្លងជាមួយកងនាវាទីប្រាំពីរ។ វាត្រូវបានគេប៉ាន់ប្រមាណថាមានចំនួនច្រើនស្មើនឹងពីរលាននាក់ទៀតនឹងបានចាកចេញ ដែលពួកគេមិនបានបញ្ឈប់ដោយពួកវៀតមិញ។ ពួកអ្នកខាងជើង ភាគច្រើនទៅជាពួកជនភៀសខ្លួនកាតូលិកដែលបានហុចផលអោយដល់របបង-ឌីញយាំមនូវមូលដ្ឋានអ្នកគាំទ្រប្រឆាំងកុម្មុយនិស្តដ៏ខ្លាំងមួយ។ លោយាំមក្រោយមកបានបន្តរកមនុស្សកាន់ការនាទីសំខាន់ៗនៃរដ្ឋការរបស់លោកភាគច្រើនបំផុតដែលមានពួកកាតូលិចភាគខាងជើងនិងកណ្ដាល។
បន្ថែមចំពោះពួកកាតូលិកដែលកំពុងហូរចូលភាគខាងត្បូង រហូតដល់ពួកបុនក្រុមជនបដិវត្តន៍១៣០០០០នាក់បានទៅភាគខាងជើងដើម្បីបុនក្រុមការ ដែលកំពុងរំពឹងត្រឡប់ទៅភាគខាងត្បូងក្នុងរយៈកាលពីរឆ្នាំ។ ពួកវៀតមិញបានបន្សល់ទុកពួកកម្មាភិបាលប្រហែល៥០០០ទៅ១០០០០នាក់នៅភាគខាងត្បូងដូចជាអនុរចនាសម្ព័ន្ធនយោបាយយោធាមួយក្នុងគោលបំណងនៃការលោះដីខ្លួនមកវិញ។ ពួកទាហានបារាំងចុងក្រោយបានចាកចេញពីវៀតណាមនៅខែមេសា ១៩៥៦។ ស.ប.ច.បានបង្ហើយការដកទ័ពរបស់ខ្លួនពីវៀតណាមខាងជើងនៅក្បែរៗពេលដូចគ្នានេះដែរ។ ពួកអសេនិកជនវៀតណាមប្រហែល៥២០០០នាក់បានរកិលខ្លួនពីភាគខាងត្បូងទៅខាងជើង។
រវាងឆ្នាំ១៩៥៣និង១៩៥៦ រដ្ឋាភិបាលវៀតណាមខាងជើងបានបង្កើតឱ្យមានកំណែទម្រង់ស្រែចំការផ្សេងៗ រួមមានការកាត់បន្ថយការជួល និង កំណែទម្រង់ដីធ្លី។ ឯកសារនយោបាយការិយាល័យដែលមិនបានចាត់ថ្នាក់បញ្ជាក់ថា១នាក់ក្នុងចំណោមអ្នកវៀតណាមខាងជើង១០០០០នាក់(ឧ.ប្រហែល១៤០០០នាក់) គឺបរិមាណភាគអប្បបរមាបានដាក់តម្រង់សម្រាប់បរិហារកិច្ចកំឡុងពេលយុទ្ធនា"ការកាត់បន្ថយការជួល" ចំនួនបានបញ្ឈប់កំឡុងដំណាក់កាលជាច្រើននៃ"កំណែទម្រង់ដីធ្លី"កាន់តែដាច់ស្រឡះយ៉ាងសន្ធឹកសន្ធាប់ ប្រហែលជាបានច្រើនដងកាន់តែច្រើនឡើង។ ពួកម្ចាស់ដីត្រូវបានចាត់ថ្នាក់អំពើចិត្តថា៥,៦៨%នៃប្រជាជន ប៉ុន្តែពួកភាគច្រើនដែលបានដាក់ទណ្ឌកម្មមិនជាតឹងរឹងជាជាងការប្រហារជីវិត។ កំណត់ត្រាផ្លូវការពីពេលនោះផ្ដល់ថា"ពួកម្ចាស់ដី"១៧២០០៨នាក់ត្រូវបានគេប្រហារជីវិតកំឡុងពេល"កំណែទម្រង់ដីធ្លី" ក្នុងចំណោម១២៣២៦៦នាក់(៧១,៦៦%)ដែលក្រោយមកត្រូវបានគេរកឃើញថាបានចាត់ថ្នាក់ខុស។ គម្លាតដ៏ធំនៃការប៉ាន់ប្រមាណត្រូវបានផ្ដល់ពីមុនៗដោយប្រភពឯករាជ្យ។ នៅឆ្នាំ១៩៥៦ ពួកមេដឹកនាំនៅហាណូយបានសារភាព"ភាពហួសហេតុ"ក្នុងការអនុវត្តកម្មវិធីនេះ និងបានស្ដារចំនួនដីធ្លីជាច្រើនដល់ពួកម្ចាស់កម្មសិទ្ធិដើមវិញ។
នៅភាគខាងត្បូង ខណៈនោះ បានតាំងឡើងរដ្ឋវៀតណាម ដែលមានបាវ-ដាយជាអធិរាជ និងង-ដឹនយៀម (បានតែងតាំងនៅខែកក្កដា ១៩៥៤) ជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីរបស់ទ្រង់។ មិនថារដ្ឋាភិបាលសហរដ្ឋ រឺ រដ្ឋវៀតណាមរបស់ង-ដឹនយៀមទេបានចុះហត្ថលេខាគ្រប់យ៉ាងនៅក្នុងសន្និសីទសឺណែវឆ្នាំ១៩៥៤។ ជាមួយការគោរពដល់សំណួរនៃការបង្រួបបង្រួមឡើងវិញ គណៈប្រតិភូវៀតណាមមិនមែនកុម្មុយនិស្តបានបដិសេធយ៉ាងខ្លាំងក្លាដល់ការបែងចែកណាមួយនៃវៀតណាម ប៉ុន្តែបានក្លាយជាអសារបង់នៅពេលពួកបារាំងទទួលស្គាល់សំណើរបស់ប្រតិភូវៀតមិញផាម-វ៉ាន់ដុង ដែលបានស្នើសុំថាវៀតណាមជាចុងក្រោយត្រូវតែរួបរួមគ្នាដោយការបោះឆ្នោតក្រោមការត្រួតពិនិត្យនៃ"គណៈកម្មាការតំបន់"។ សហរដ្ឋបានតបតរួមជាមួយអ្វីដែលបានស្គាល់ថាជា"ផែនការរបស់អាមេរិក" ជាមួយការគាំទ្រនៃវៀតណាមខាងត្បូង និងសហរាជាណាចក្រ។ វាបានផ្ដល់ឱ្យនូវការបោះឆ្នោតបង្រួបបង្រួមក្រោមការត្រួតពិនិត្យរបស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ ប៉ុន្តែត្រុវបានជំទាស់ដោយគណៈប្រតិភូសូវៀត។ សហរដ្ឋពេញចិត្តនឹងវៀតណាមដឹកនាំដោយកុម្មុយនិស្តរួបរួមគ្នាឡើងវិញ បើសិនវាកើតចេញពីការបោះឆ្នោតសេរី និងយុត្តិធម៌: "ជាមួយនឹងការគោរពលើសេចក្ដីថ្លែងការណ៍នៃរដ្ឋវៀតណាម សហរដ្ឋនិយាយសាឡើងវិញម្ដងទៀត គោលជំហរតាមប្រពៃណីរបស់ខ្លួនដែលថាប្រជាជនត្រូវបានទទួលសិទ្ធិដើម្បីកំណត់អនាគតរបស់ខ្លួនផ្ទាល់ ហើយថាវានឹងមិនចូលរួមក្នុងការរៀបចំណាមួយដែលនឹងអាចបង្អាក់រឿងនេះឡើយ"។
លោកប្រធានាធិបតីអាយហ្សឹនហូវអឺរបានសរសេរនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៥៤ ថា "ខ្ញុំមិនដែលបាននិយាយ រឺទាក់ទងគ្នាជាមួយមនុស្សដែលមានចំណេះដឹងក្នុងកិច្ចការឥណ្ឌូចិនដែលមិនយល់ស្របដែលឱ្យមានការបោះឆ្នោតត្រូវធ្វើឡើងក្នុងរយៈកាលនៃការប្រយុទ្ធគ្នា ប្រហែលជាប៉ែតសិបភាគរយនៃប្រជាជននឹងបោះឆ្នោតឲ្យហូ-ជីមិញកុម្មុយនិស្តជាមេដឹកនាំរបស់ខ្លួនជាជាងអគ្គរដ្ឋបាវដាយ។ ពិតមែនទៅ កង្វះពួកមេដឹកនាំ ហើយដឹកនាំខាងបាវ-ដាយគឺជាកត្តាមួយដែលក្នុងអារម្មណ៍ជាទូទៅចំណោមជនវៀតណាមដែលថាពួកគេគ្មានអ្វីប្រយុទ្ធដើម្បីបាវ-ដាយឡើយ។" តាមរយៈ ឯកសារបញ្ចកោណ យ៉ាងណាមិញ ចាប់ពីឆ្នាំ១៩៥៤ដល់១៩៥៦ "ង-ដឹនយៀមពិតជាបានខំសម្រេចឱ្យបាននូវអព្ភូតហេតុពិតមែន"នៅវៀតណាមខាងត្បូង:: "វាស្ទើរតែប្រាកដថានៅឆ្នាំ១៩៥៦ សមាមាត្រនេះដែលប្រហែលជាបានបោះឆ្នោតអោយលោកហូក្នុងការការបោះឆ្នោតសេរីប្រឆាំងលោក យៀមដែលនឹងបានកាន់តែតិចជាងប៉ែតសិបភាគរយទៅទៀត។" ក្នុងឆ្នាំ១៩៥៧ ពួកអ្នកអង្កេតឯករាជ្យមកពី ឥណ្ឌា ប៉ូឡូញ និងកាណាដាដែលតំណាងឱ្យគណៈកម្មាការត្រួតពិនិត្យអន្តរជាតិ(គ.ត.អ.)បានថ្លែងការបោះឆ្នោតដោយយុត្តិធម៌ មិនលំអៀងថាមិនអាចទៅរួចទេនៅប៉ែកខាងជើងនៃវៀតណាមពីព្រោះតែដោយសារឥទ្ធិពលកុម្មុយនិស្ត។
ចាប់ពីខែមេសា ដល់ មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៥៥ លោកយៀម (ប្រឆាំងនឹងការណែនាំរបស់ស.រ.)បានទម្លាក់ពីតំណែងនយោបាយនៅភាគខាងត្បូងដោយសារការផ្ដើមប្រតិបត្តិការយោធាជាច្រើនប្រឆាំងនឹងពួកគណៈសាសនាកែវដាយ គណៈនិកាយផ្វាហ៊ែវរបស់បាគុត និងប៊ីញស្វៀនបានរៀបចំក្រុមឧក្រិដ្ឋកម្ម (ដែលត្រូវចងសម្ព័ន្ធជាមួយពួកសមាជិកនៃនគរបាលសម្ងាត់និងពួកក្រុមយោធាខ្លះៗ)។ តាមរយៈការប្រឆាំងដែលមានរឹសគល់ធំៗទល់នឹងកលយុទ្ធដ៏អាក្រក់របស់លោកបានបង្កឡើង លោយៀមស្វះស្វែងរកវិធីដើម្បីទិះតៀនស្ដីបន្ទោសពួកកុម្មុយនិស្តឱ្យកាត់តើច្រើនឡើង។
ក្នុងប្រជាមតិមួយអំពីអនាគតនៃរដ្ឋវៀតណាមនៅថ្ងៃ២៣ តុលា ១៩៥៥ លោកយៀមបានគិតគូររៀបចំកន្លែងបោះឆ្នោតដែលបានត្រួតពិនិត្យដោយបងប្អូនរបស់លោកង-ដឹនញូ និងបានទទួលការជឿទុកចិត្តជាមួយ៩៨,២ភាគរយនៃសម្លេងឆ្នោត រួមមាន១៣៣%នៅសៃហ្គន។ ពួកទីប្រឹក្សាអាមេរិករបស់លោកបានផ្ដល់អនុសាសន៍ឱ្យមានការឈ្នះសមហេតុសមផលថែមទៀតត្រឹម"៦០ទៅ៧០ភាគរយ"។ លោកយៀម យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ បានគិតឃើញការបោះឆ្នោតជាការសាកល្បងអំណាច។ បីថ្ងៃក្រោយមក លោកបានប្រកាសវៀតណាមខាងត្បូងជារដ្ឋឯករាជ្យមួយដែលគេស្គាល់ថាសាធារណរដ្ឋវៀតណាម (ស.វ.) ដែលមានខ្លួនលោកជាប្រធានាធិបតី។ ដូចដែរ ហូ-ជីមិញ និងពួកមន្ត្រីកុម្មុយនិស្តផ្សេងទៀតតែងតែបានឈ្នះយ៉ាងហោចណាស់៩៩%នៃសម្លេងឆ្នោតនៅក្នុង"ការបោះឆ្នោត"វៀតណាមខាងជើង។
ទ្រឹស្ដីដូមីណូ ដែលបានលើកឡើងថាបើប្រទេសមួយធ្លាក់ទៅលទ្ធិកុម្មុយនិស្ត ក្រោយមកប្រទេសទាំងអស់នៅជុំវិញនោះនឹងដើរតាម ដំបូងបានស្នើជាគោលនយោបាយដោយរដ្ឋការអាយហ្សឹនហូវអឺរ។ វាធ្លាប់ និងនៅតែត្រូវបានធ្វើសម្មតិកម្មជាទូទៅដែលវាបានអនុវត្តនៅវៀតណាម។ John F. Kennedy, then a U.S. Senator, said in a speech to the American Friends of Vietnam: "Burma, Thailand, India, Japan, the Philippines and obviously Laos and Cambodia are among those whose security would be threatened if the Red Tide of Communism overflowed into Vietnam."
ទំព័រគំរូ:សូមពិនិត្យ ការជឿស៊ប់រ៉ូម៉ាំងកាតូលិក, គឺការប្រឹងប្រែងប្រឆាំងនឹងកុម្មុយនិស្ត, ជាតិនិយម, និងអភិរក្សសង្គម។ អ្នកប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្តលោកលូដលោក Huynh កត់សម្គាល់ថា: «លោកជៀតំណាងជាតិនិយមតូចចង្អៀតនិងប៉ះបោរគូជាមួយនឹងលទ្ធិអត្តាធិបតេយ្យនិង បក្ខពួកនិយម "។ <ឯកសារ> 'អាគុយម៉ង់ដោយគ្មានការបញ្ចប់" McNamara បានបាត់បង់ "ទំព័រ។ 200-201 ។ </ ឯកសារ> ភាគច្រើននៃប្រជាជនវៀតណាម ត្រូវបានគេ ព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា និងត្រូវបានរំខានដោយសកម្មភាពដូចជាការយកចិត្តទុកជៀរបស់ប្រទេសដើម្បី ព្រះម៉ែ ម៉ារី បាន។
ការចាប់ផ្តើមនៅរដូវក្តៅនៃឆ្នាំ 1955 នេះលោកជៀមបានចាប់ផ្តើម "ការបរិហារកុម្មុយនិស្ត«យុទ្ធនាការក្នុងអំឡុងពេលដែលពួកកុម្មុយនិស្តនិងធាតុប្រឆាំងរដ្ឋាភិបាលផ្សេងទៀតត្រូវបានចាប់ខ្លួនដាក់ពន្ធនាគារបានធ្វើទារុណកម្មឬសម្លាប់។ លោកបានបង្កើតការប្រឆាំងនឹងការពិន័យការស្លាប់ណាមួយដែលចាត់ទុកថាសកម្មភាពក្នុងខែសីហាឆ្នាំ 1956 កុម្មុយនិស្ត Cite error: Closing
</ref> missing for
<ref> tag In his inaugural address, Kennedy made the ambitious pledge to "pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and success of liberty." In June 1961, he bitterly disagreed with Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev when they met in Vienna to discuss key U.S.-Soviet issues.
The Kennedy administration remained essentially committed to the Cold War foreign policy inherited from the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. In 1961, the U.S. had 50,000 troops based in Korea, and Kennedy faced a three-part crisis – the failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the construction of the Berlin Wall, and a negotiated settlement between the pro-Western government of Laos and the Pathet Lao communist movement. These made Kennedy believe that another failure on the part of the United States to gain control and stop communist expansion would fatally damage U.S. credibility with its allies and his own reputation. Kennedy was thus determined to "draw a line in the sand" and prevent a communist victory in Vietnam. He told James Reston of The New York Times immediately after his Vienna meeting with Khrushchev, "Now we have a problem making our power credible and Vietnam looks like the place."
In May 1961, Vice president Lyndon B. Johnson visited Saigon and enthusiastically declared Diem the "Winston Churchill of Asia." Asked why he had made the comment, Johnson replied, "Diem's the only boy we got out there." Johnson assured Diem of more aid in molding a fighting force that could resist the communists.
Kennedy's policy toward South Vietnam rested on the assumption that Diem and his forces must ultimately defeat the guerrillas on their own. He was against the deployment of American combat troops and observed that "to introduce U.S. forces in large numbers there today, while it might have an initially favorable military impact, would almost certainly lead to adverse political and, in the long run, adverse military consequences." The quality of the South Vietnamese military, however, remained poor. Bad leadership, corruption, and political promotions all played a part in emasculating the ARVN. The frequency of guerrilla attacks rose as the insurgency gathered steam. While Hanoi's support for the NLF played a role, South Vietnamese governmental incompetence was at the core of the crisis.
One major issue Kennedy raised was whether the Soviet space and missile programs had surpassed those of the United States. Although Kennedy stressed long-range missile parity with the Soviets, he was also interested in using special forces for counterinsurgency warfare in Third World countries threatened by communist insurgencies. Although they were originally intended for use behind front lines after a conventional invasion of Europe, Kennedy believed that the guerrilla tactics employed by special forces such as the Green Berets would be effective in a "brush fire" war in Vietnam.
Kennedy advisers Maxwell Taylor and Walt Rostow recommended that U.S. troops be sent to South Vietnam disguised as flood relief workers. Kennedy rejected the idea but increased military assistance yet again. In April 1962, John Kenneth Galbraith warned Kennedy of the "danger we shall replace the French as a colonial force in the area and bleed as the French did." By 1963, there were 16,000 American military personnel in South Vietnam, up from Eisenhower's 900 advisors.
The Strategic Hamlet Program had been initiated in 1961. This joint U.S.-South Vietnamese program attempted to resettle the rural population into fortified camps. The aim was to isolate the population from the insurgents, provide education and health care, and strengthen the government's hold over the countryside.[ត្រូវការអំណះអំណាង] The Strategic Hamlets, however, were quickly infiltrated by the guerrillas.[ត្រូវការអំណះអំណាង] The peasants resented being uprooted from their ancestral villages.[ត្រូវការអំណះអំណាង] In part, this was because Colonel Pham Ngoc Thao, a Diem favourite who was instrumental in running the program, was in fact a communist agent who used his Catholicism to gain influential posts and damage the ROV from the inside.[ត្រូវការអំណះអំណាង]
On 23 July 1962, fourteen nations, including the People's Republic of China, South Vietnam, the Soviet Union, North Vietnam and the United States, signed an agreement promising the neutrality of Laos.
Ouster and Assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem[កែប្រែ]
- See also: Kennedy's role, 1960 South Vietnamese coup attempt, 1962 South Vietnamese Independence Palace bombing, Huế Phật Đản shootings and Xa Loi Pagoda raids
The inept performance of the South Vietnamese army was exemplified by failed actions such as the Battle of Ap Bac on 2 January 1963, in which a small band of Viet Cong beat off a much larger and better equipped South Vietnamese force, many of whose officers seemed reluctant even to engage in combat. The ARVN were led in that battle by Diem's most trusted general, Huynh Van Cao, commander of the IV Corps. Cao was a Catholic who had been promoted due to religion and fidelity rather than skill, and his main job was to preserve his forces to stave off coups; he had earlier vomited during a communist attack. Some policymakers in Washington began to conclude that Diem was incapable of defeating the communists and might even make a deal with Ho Chi Minh. He seemed concerned only with fending off coups, and had become more paranoid after attempts in 1960 and 1962, which he partly attributed to U.S. encouragement. As Robert F. Kennedy noted, "Diem wouldn't make even the slightest concessions. He was difficult to reason with..."
Discontent with Diem's policies exploded following the Huế Phật Đản shootings of majority Buddhists who were protesting against the ban on the Buddhist flag on Vesak, the Buddha's birthday. This resulted in mass protests against discriminatory policies that gave privileges to the Catholic Church and its adherents. Diem's elder brother Ngo Dinh Thuc was the Archbishop of Huế and aggressively blurred the separation between church and state. Thuc's anniversary celebrations shortly before Vesak had been bankrolled by the government and Vatican flags were displayed prominently. There had also been reports of Buddhist pagodas being demolished by Catholic paramilitaries throughout Diem's rule. Diem refused to make concessions to the Buddhist majority or take responsibility for the deaths. On 21 August 1963, the ARVN Special Forces of Colonel Le Quang Tung, loyal to Diem's younger brother Ngo Dinh Nhu, raided pagodas across Vietnam, causing widespread damage and destruction and leaving a death toll estimated to range into the hundreds.
U.S. officials began discussing the possibility of a regime change during the middle of 1963. The United States Department of State was generally in favor of encouraging a coup, while the Defense Department favored Diem. Chief among the proposed changes was the removal of Diem's younger brother Nhu, who controlled the secret police and special forces was seen as the man behind the Buddhist repression and more generally the architect of the Ngo family's rule. This proposal was conveyed to the U.S. embassy in Saigon in Cable 243.
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was in contact with generals planning to remove Diem. They were told that the United States would not oppose such a move nor punish the generals by cutting off aid. President Diem was overthrown and executed, along with his brother, on 2 November 1963. When he was informed, Maxwell Taylor remembered that Kennedy "rushed from the room with a look of shock and dismay on his face." He had not approved Diem's murder. The U.S. ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge, invited the coup leaders to the embassy and congratulated them. Ambassador Lodge informed Kennedy that "the prospects now are for a shorter war".
Following the coup, chaos ensued. Hanoi took advantage of the situation and increased its support for the guerrillas. South Vietnam entered a period of extreme political instability, as one military government toppled another in quick succession. Increasingly, each new regime was viewed as a puppet of the Americans; whatever the failings of Diem, his credentials as a nationalist (as Robert McNamara later reflected) had been impeccable.
U.S military advisers were embedded at every level of the South Vietnamese armed forces. They were, however, almost completely ignorant of the political nature of the insurgency. The insurgency was a political power struggle, in which military engagements were not the main goal. The Kennedy administration sought to refocus U.S. efforts on pacification and "winning over the hearts and minds" of the population. The military leadership in Washington, however, was hostile to any role for U.S. advisers other than conventional troop training. General Paul Harkins, the commander of U.S. forces in South Vietnam, confidently predicted victory by Christmas 1963. The CIA was less optimistic, however, warning that "the Viet Cong by and large retain de facto control of much of the countryside and have steadily increased the overall intensity of the effort".
Paramilitary officers from the CIA's Special Activities Division trained and led Hmong tribesmen in Laos and into Vietnam. The indigenous forces numbered in the tens of thousands and they conducted direct action missions, led by paramilitary officers, against the Communist Pathet Lao forces and their North Vietnamese supporters. The CIA also ran the Phoenix Program and participation Military Assistance Command, Vietnam – Studies and Observations Group (MAC-V SOG), which was originally named the Special Operations Group, but was changed for cover purposes.
Lyndon B. Johnson's escalation, 1963–1969[កែប្រែ]
Lyndon B. Johnson (LBJ), as he took over the presidency after the death of Kennedy, initially did not consider Vietnam a priority and was more concerned with his "Great Society" and progressive social programs. Presidential aide Jack Valenti recalls, "Vietnam at the time was no bigger than a man's fist on the horizon. We hardly discussed it because it was not worth discussing."
On 24 November 1963, Johnson said, "the battle against communism... must be joined... with strength and determination." The pledge came at a time when Vietnam was deteriorating, especially in places like the Mekong Delta, because of the recent coup against Diem. Johnson had reversed Kennedy's disengagement policy from Vietnam in withdrawing 1,000 troops by the end of 1963 (NSAM 263 on 11 October), with his own NSAM 273 (26 November) to expand the war.
The military revolutionary council, meeting in lieu of a strong South Vietnamese leader, was made up of 12 members headed by General Duong Van Minh—whom Stanley Karnow, a journalist on the ground, later recalled as "a model of lethargy." Lodge, frustrated by the end of the year, cabled home about Minh: "Will he be strong enough to get on top of things?" His regime was overthrown in January 1964 by General Nguyen Khanh. However, there was persistent instability in the military as several coups—not all successful—occurred in a short space of time.
On 2 August 1964, the USS Maddox, on an intelligence mission along North Vietnam's coast, allegedly fired upon and damaged several torpedo boats that had been stalking it in the Gulf of Tonkin. A second attack was reported two days later on the USS Turner Joy and Maddox in the same area. The circumstances of the attack were murky. Lyndon Johnson commented to Undersecretary of State George Ball that "those sailors out there may have been shooting at flying fish."
The second attack led to retaliatory air strikes, prompted Congress to approve the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution on 7 August 1964, signed by Johnson, and gave the president power to conduct military operations in Southeast Asia without declaring war. Although Congressmen at the time denied that this was a full scale war declaration, the Tonkin Resolution allowed the president unilateral power to launch a full scale war if the president deemed necessary. In the same month, Johnson pledged that he was not "... committing American boys to fighting a war that I think ought to be fought by the boys of Asia to help protect their own land."
An undated NSA publication declassified in 2005, however, revealed that there was no attack on 4 August. It had already been called into question long before this. "Gulf of Tonkin incident", writes Louise Gerdes, "is an oft-cited example of the way in which Johnson misled the American people to gain support for his foreign policy in Vietnam." George C. Herring argues, however, that McNamara and the Pentagon "did not knowingly lie about the alleged attacks, but they were obviously in a mood to retaliate and they seem to have selected from the evidence available to them those parts that confirmed what they wanted to believe."
"From a strength of approximately 5,000 at the start of 1959 the Viet Cong's ranks grew to about 100,000 at the end of 1964...Between 1961 and 1964 the Army's strength rose from about 850,000 to nearly a million men." The numbers for U.S. troops deployed to Vietnam during the same period were quite different; 2,000 in 1961, rising rapidly to 16,500 in 1964. By early 1965, 7,559 South Vietnamese hamlets had been destroyed by the Viet Cong.
The National Security Council recommended a three-stage escalation of the bombing of North Vietnam. On 2 March 1965, following an attack on a U.S. Marine barracks at Pleiku, Operation Flaming Dart (initiated when Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin was at a state visit to North Vietnam), Operation Rolling Thunder and Operation Arc Light commenced. The bombing campaign, which ultimately lasted three years, was intended to force North Vietnam to cease its support for the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF) by threatening to destroy North Vietnam's air defenses and industrial infrastructure. As well, it was aimed at bolstering the morale of the South Vietnamese. Between March 1965 and November 1968, "Rolling Thunder" deluged the north with a million tons of missiles, rockets and bombs.
Bombing was not restricted to North Vietnam. Other aerial campaigns, such as Operation Commando Hunt, targeted different parts of the NLF and VPA infrastructure. These included the Ho Chi Minh trail, which ran through Laos and Cambodia. The objective of stopping North Vietnam and the NLF was never reached. As one officer noted "this is a political war and it calls for discriminate killing. The best weapon... would be a knife... The worst is an airplane." The Chief of Staff of the United States Air Force Curtis LeMay, however, had long advocated saturation bombing in Vietnam and wrote of the communists that "we're going to bomb them back into the Stone Age".
Escalation and ground war[កែប្រែ]
After several attacks upon them, it was decided that U.S. Air Force bases needed more protection. The South Vietnamese military seemed incapable of providing security. On 8 March 1965, 3,500 U.S. Marines were dispatched to South Vietnam. This marked the beginning of the American ground war. U.S. public opinion overwhelmingly supported the deployment.
In a statement similar to that made to the French almost two decades earlier, Ho Chi Minh warned that if the Americans "want to make war for twenty years then we shall make war for twenty years. If they want to make peace, we shall make peace and invite them to afternoon tea." As former First Deputy Foreign Minister Tran Quang Co has noted, the primary goal of the war was to reunify Vietnam and secure its independence.[ត្រូវការអំណះអំណាង] Some have argued that the policy of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) was not to topple other non-communist governments in South East Asia. However, the Pentagon Papers warned of "a dangerous period of Vietnamese expansionism....Laos and Cambodia would have been easy pickings for such a Vietnam....Thailand, Malaya, Singapore, and even Indonesia, could have been next."
The Marines' assignment was defensive. The initial deployment of 3,500 in March was increased to nearly 200,000 by December. The U.S. military had long been schooled in offensive warfare. Regardless of political policies, U.S. commanders were institutionally and psychologically unsuited to a defensive mission. In December, ARVN forces suffered heavy losses at the Battle of Bình Giã, in a battle that both sides viewed as a watershed. Previously communist forces had utilized hit-and-run guerrilla tactics, however at Binh Gia they had defeated a strong ARVN force in conventional warfare. Tellingly, South Vietnamese forces were again defeated in June, at the Battle of Đồng Xoài.
Desertion rates were increasing, and morale plummeted. General William Westmoreland informed Admiral U.S. Grant Sharp, Jr., commander of U.S. Pacific forces, that the situation was critical. He said, "I am convinced that U.S. troops with their energy, mobility, and firepower can successfully take the fight to the NLF [National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam]." With this recommendation, Westmoreland was advocating an aggressive departure from America's defensive posture and the sidelining of the South Vietnamese. By ignoring ARVN units, the U.S. commitment became open-ended. Westmoreland outlined a three-point plan to win the war:
- Phase 1. Commitment of U.S. (and other free world) forces necessary to halt the losing trend by the end of 1965.
- Phase 2. U.S. and allied forces mount major offensive actions to seize the initiative to destroy guerrilla and organized enemy forces. This phase would end when the enemy had been worn down, thrown on the defensive, and driven back from major populated areas.
- Phase 3. If the enemy persisted, a period of twelve to eighteen months following Phase 2 would be required for the final destruction of enemy forces remaining in remote base areas.
The plan was approved by Johnson and marked a profound departure from the previous administration's insistence that the government of South Vietnam was responsible for defeating the guerrillas. Westmoreland predicted victory by the end of 1967. Johnson did not, however, communicate this change in strategy to the media. Instead he emphasized continuity. The change in U.S. policy depended on matching the North Vietnamese and the NLF in a contest of attrition and morale. The opponents were locked in a cycle of escalation. The idea that the government of South Vietnam could manage its own affairs was shelved.
The one-year tour of duty deprived units of experienced leadership. As one observer noted "we were not in Vietnam for 10 years, but for one year 10 times." As a result, training programs were shortened.
South Vietnam was inundated with manufactured goods. As Stanley Karnow writes, "the main PX [Post Exchange], located in the Saigon suburb of Cholon, was only slightly smaller than the New York Bloomingdale's..." The American buildup transformed the economy and had a profound effect on South Vietnamese society. A huge surge in corruption was witnessed.
Washington encouraged its SEATO allies to contribute troops. Australia, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines all agreed to send troops. Major allies, however, notably NATO nations Canada and the United Kingdom, declined Washington's troop requests. The U.S. and its allies mounted complex operations, such as operations Masher, Attleboro, Cedar Falls, and Junction City. However, the communist insurgents remained elusive and demonstrated great tactical flexibility.
Meanwhile, the political situation in South Vietnam began to stabilize with the coming to power of prime minister Air Marshal Nguyễn Cao Kỳ and figurehead Chief of State, General Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, in mid 1965 at the head of a military junta. This ended a series of coups that had happened more than once a year. In 1967, Thieu became president with Ky as his deputy, after rigged elections. Although they were nominally a civilian government, Ky was supposed to maintain real power through a behind-the-scenes military body. However, Thieu outmanoevred and sidelined Ky by filling the ranks with generals from his faction. Thieu was also accused of murdering Ky loyalists through contrived military accidents. Thieu, mistrustful and indecisive, remained president until 1975, having won a one-man election in 1971.
The Johnson administration employed a "policy of minimum candor" in its dealings with the media. Military information officers sought to manage media coverage by emphasizing stories that portrayed progress in the war. Over time, this policy damaged the public trust in official pronouncements. As the media's coverage of the war and that of the Pentagon diverged, a so-called credibility gap developed.
The Tet Offensive[កែប្រែ]
In late 1967 the Communists lured American forces into the hinterlands at Dak To and at the Marine Khe Sanh combat base in Quảng Trị Province where the United States was more than willing to fight because it could unleash its massive firepower unimpeded by civilians. However, on January 31, 1968, the NVA and NLF broke the truce that traditionally accompanied the Tết (Lunar New Year) holiday by launching the largest battle of the war, the Tet Offensive, in the hope of sparking a national uprising. Over 100 cities were attacked by over 85,000 enemy troops including assaults on General Westmoreland's headquarters and the U.S. Embassy, Saigon.
Although the U.S. and South Vietnamese forces were initially shocked by the scale of the urban offensive, they responded quickly and effectively, decimating the ranks of the NLF. In the former capital city of Huế, the combined NVA and NLF troops captured the Imperial Citadel and much of the city, which led to the Battle of Huế. Throughout the offensive, American forces employed massive firepower; in Huế where the battle was the fiercest, that firepower left 80 percent of the city in ruins. Further north, at Quang Tri City, members of the 1st Air Cavalry Division and 1st ARVN Infantry Division killed more than 900 NVA and Vietcong troops in and around the city (for a photographic history see). However, back at Hue Communist occupying forces massacred over 3,000 unarmed Huế civilians.
But the offensive had another, unintended consequence. General Westmoreland had become the public face of the war. He was featured on the cover of Time magazine three times and was named 1965's Man of the Year. Time described him as "the sinewy personification of the American fighting man... (who) directed the historic buildup, drew up the battle plans, and infused the... men under him with his own idealistic view of U.S. aims and responsibilities."
In November 1967 Westmoreland spearheaded a public relations drive for the Johnson administration to bolster flagging public support. In a speech before the National Press Club he said a point in the war had been reached "where the end comes into view." Thus, the public was shocked and confused when Westmoreland's predictions were trumped by Tet. The American media, which had been largely supportive of U.S. efforts, turned on the Johnson administration for what had become an increasing credibility gap. Despite its military failure, the Tet Offensive became a political victory for the NLF and ended the career of president Lyndon B. Johnson, who declined to run for re-election. Johnson's approval rating slumped from 48 to 36 percent.
As James Witz noted, Tet "contradicted the claims of progress... made by the Johnson administration and the military." The Tet Offensive was the turning point in America's involvement in the Vietnam War. It had a profound impact on domestic support for the conflict. The offensive constituted an intelligence failure on the scale of Pearl Harbor. Journalist Peter Arnett quoted an unnamed officer, saying of Bến Tre (laid to rubble by U.S. firepower) that "it became necessary to destroy the village in order to save it" (though the authenticity of this quote is disputed). According to one source, this quote was attributed to Major Booris of 9th Infantry Division.
Walter Cronkite said in an editorial, "To say that we are closer to victory today is to believe, in the face of the evidence, the optimists who have been wrong in the past. To suggest we are on the edge of defeat is to yield to unreasonable pessimism. To say that we are mired in stalemate seems the only realistic, yet unsatisfactory, conclusion." Following Cronkite's editorial report, President Lyndon Johnson is reported to have said, "If I've lost Cronkite, I've lost Middle America."
Westmoreland became Chief of Staff of the Army in March 1968, just as all resistance was finally subdued. The move was technically a promotion. However, his position had become untenable because of the offensive and because his request for 200,000 additional troops had been leaked to the media. Westmoreland was succeeded by his deputy Creighton Abrams, a commander less inclined to public media pronouncements.
On 10 May 1968, despite low expectations, peace talks began between the United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Negotiations stagnated for five months, until Johnson gave orders to halt the bombing of North Vietnam. The Democratic candidate, Vice president Hubert Humphrey, was running against Republican former vice president Richard Nixon.[further explanation needed]
As historian Robert Dallek writes, "Lyndon Johnson's escalation of the war in Vietnam divided Americans into warring camps... cost 30,000 American lives by the time he left office, (and) destroyed Johnson's presidency..." His refusal to send more U.S. troops to Vietnam was seen as Johnson's admission that the war was lost. It can be seen that the refusal was a tacit admission that the war could not be won by escalation, at least not at a cost acceptable to the American people. As Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara noted, "the dangerous illusion of victory by the United States was therefore dead."
Nixon Doctrine / Vietnamization[កែប្រែ]
Severe communist losses during the Tet Offensive allowed U.S. President Richard Nixon to begin troop withdrawals. His plan, called the Nixon Doctrine, was to build up the ARVN, so that they could take over the defense of South Vietnam. The policy became known as "Vietnamization". Vietnamization had much in common with the policies of the Kennedy administration. One important difference, however, remained. While Kennedy insisted that the South Vietnamese fight the war themselves, he attempted to limit the scope of the conflict.
Nixon said in an announcement, "I am tonight announcing plans for the withdrawal of an additional 150,000 American troops to be completed during the spring of next year. This will bring a total reduction of 265,500 men in our armed forces in Vietnam below the level that existed when we took office 15 months ago."
On 10 October 1969, Nixon ordered a squadron of 18 B-52s loaded with nuclear weapons to race to the border of Soviet airspace to convince the Soviet Union that he was capable of anything to end the Vietnam War.
Nixon also pursued negotiations. Theater commander Creighton Abrams shifted to smaller operations, aimed at communist logistics, with better use of firepower and more cooperation with the ARVN. Nixon also began to pursue détente with the Soviet Union and rapprochement with the People's Republic of China. This policy helped to decrease global tensions. Détente led to nuclear arms reduction on the part of both superpowers. But Nixon was disappointed that the PRC and the Soviet Union continued to supply the North Vietnamese with aid. In September 1969, Ho Chi Minh died at age seventy-nine.
The anti-war movement was gaining strength in the United States. Nixon appealed to the "silent majority" of Americans to support the war. But revelations of the My Lai Massacre, in which a U.S. Army platoon raped and killed civilians, and the 1969 "Green Beret Affair" where eight Special Forces soldiers, including the 5th Special Forces Group Commander were arrested for the murder of a suspected double agent provoked national and international outrage.
Beginning in 1970, American troops were being taken away from border areas where much more killing took place, and instead put along the coast and interior, which is one reason why casualties in 1970 were less than half of 1969's totals.
Involvement of Cambodia and Laos[កែប្រែ]
Prince Norodom Sihanouk had proclaimed Cambodia neutral since 1955, but the communists used Cambodian soil as a base and Sihanouk tolerated their presence, because he wished to avoid being drawn into a wider regional conflict. Under pressure from Washington, however, he changed this policy in 1969. The Vietnamese communists were no longer welcome. President Nixon took the opportunity to launch a massive bombing campaign, called Operation Menu, against their sanctuaries along the Cambodia/Vietnam border. Only five high-ranking Congressional officials were informed of the operation.
In 1970, Prince Sihanouk was deposed by his pro-American prime minister Lon Nol. North Vietnam invaded Cambodia in 1970 at the request of Khmer Rouge leader Nuon Chea. U.S. and ARVN forces launched an incursion into Cambodia to attack VPA/NLF bases and end the communist encirclement of Phnom Penh.
This incursion sparked nationwide U.S. protests. Four students were killed by National Guardsmen at Kent State University during a protest in Ohio, which provoked public outrage in the United States. The reaction to the incident by the Nixon administration was seen as callous and indifferent, providing additional impetus for the anti-war movement.
In 1971 the Pentagon Papers were leaked to The New York Times. The top-secret history of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, commissioned by the Department of Defense, detailed a long series of public deceptions. The Supreme Court ruled that its publication was legal.
The ARVN launched Operation Lam Son 719 in February 1971, aimed at cutting the Ho Chi Minh trail in Laos. The ostensibly neutral Laos had long been the scene of a civil war, pitting the Laotian government backed by the US against the Pathet Lao and its North Vietnamese allies. After meeting resistance, ARVN forces retreated in a confused rout. They fled along roads littered with their own dead. When they exhausted fuel supplies, soldiers abandoned their vehicles and attempted to barge their way on to American helicopters sent to evacuate the wounded. Many ARVN soldiers clung to helicopter skids in a desperate attempt to save themselves. U.S. aircraft had to destroy abandoned equipment, including tanks, to prevent them from falling into enemy hands. Half of the ARVN troops involved in the operation were either captured or killed. The operation was a fiasco and represented a clear failure of Vietnamization. As Karnow noted "the blunders were monumental... The (South Vietnamese) government's top officers had been tutored by the Americans for ten or fifteen years, many at training schools in the United States, yet they had learned little."
In 1971 Australia and New Zealand withdrew their soldiers. The U.S. troop count was further reduced to 196,700, with a deadline to remove another 45,000 troops by February 1972. As peace protests spread across the United States, disillusionment and ill-discipline grew in the ranks.
Vietnamization was again tested by the Easter Offensive of 1972, a massive conventional invasion of South Vietnam. The VPA and NLF quickly overran the northern provinces and in coordination with other forces attacked from Cambodia, threatening to cut the country in half. U.S. troop withdrawals continued. But American airpower came to the rescue with Operation Linebacker, and the offensive was halted. However, it became clear that without American airpower South Vietnam could not survive. The last remaining American ground troops were withdrawn in August.
1972 election and Paris Peace Accords[កែប្រែ]
The war was the central issue of the 1972 presidential election. Nixon's opponent, George McGovern, campaigned on a platform of withdrawal from Vietnam. Nixon's National Security Adviser, Henry Kissinger, continued secret negotiations with North Vietnam's Lê Ðức Thọ. In October 1972, they reached an agreement.
However, South Vietnamese president Thieu demanded massive changes to the peace accord. When North Vietnam went public with the agreement's details, the Nixon administration claimed that the North was attempting to embarrass the president. The negotiations became deadlocked. Hanoi demanded new changes.
To show his support for South Vietnam and force Hanoi back to the negotiating table, Nixon ordered Operation Linebacker II, a massive bombing of Hanoi and Haiphong 18–29 December 1972. The offensive destroyed much of the remaining economic and industrial capacity of North Vietnam. Simultaneously Nixon pressured Thieu to accept the terms of the agreement, threatening to conclude a bilateral peace deal and cut off American aid.
On 15 January 1973, Nixon announced the suspension of offensive action against North Vietnam. The Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam" were signed on 27 January 1973, officially ending direct U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. A cease-fire was declared across North and South Vietnam. U.S. POWs were released. The agreement guaranteed the territorial integrity of Vietnam and, like the Geneva Conference of 1954, called for national elections in the North and South. The Paris Peace Accords stipulated a sixty-day period for the total withdrawal of U.S. forces. "This article", noted Peter Church, "proved... to be the only one of the Paris Agreements which was fully carried out."
Opposition to U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War: 1962–1973[កែប្រែ]
During the course of the Vietnam War a large segment of the American population opposed U.S. involvement in South Vietnam. Public opinion steadily turned against the war following 1967 and by 1970 only a third of Americans believed that the U.S. had not made a mistake by sending troops to fight in Vietnam.
Since such a large proportion of Americans were in some way against the war it is not possible to specify any one group who led the anti-war movement. Many young people often led protests, most probably because they were the people being drafted and sent to fight in the Vietnam War.
Some advocates within the peace movement advocated a unilateral withdrawal of U.S. forces from Vietnam. One reason given for the withdrawal is that it would contribute to a lessening of tensions in the region and thus less human bloodshed. Early opposition to U.S. involvement in Vietnam drew its inspiration from the Geneva Conference of 1954. American support of Diem in refusing elections was thought to be thwarting the very democracy that America claimed to be supporting. John Kennedy, while Senator, opposed involvement in Vietnam.
Opposition to the Vietnam War tended to unite groups opposed to U.S. anti-communism[ត្រូវការអំណះអំណាង] and imperialism[ត្រូវការអំណះអំណាង] and, for those involved with the New Left such as the Catholic Worker Movement. Others, such as Stephen Spiro opposed the war based on the theory of Just War. Some wanted to show solidarity with the people of Vietnam, such as Norman Morrison emulating the actions of Thich Quang Duc.
High-profile opposition to the Vietnam War turned to street protests in an effort to turn U.S. political opinion. On 15 October 1969, the Vietnam Moratorium attracted millions of Americans. Riots broke out at the 1968 Democratic National Convention. After explosive news reports of American military abuses, such as the 1968 My Lai Massacre, brought new attention and support to the anti-war movement, some veterans joined Vietnam Veterans Against the War. The fatal shooting of four students at Kent State University in 1970 led to nation-wide university protests. Anti-war protests ended with the final withdrawal of troops after the Paris Peace Accords were signed in 1973. South Vietnam was left to defend itself alone when the fighting resumed. Many South Vietnamese subsequently fled to the United States.
Exit of the Americans: 1973–1975[កែប្រែ]
The United States began drastically reducing their troop support in South Vietnam during the final years of "Vietnamization". Many U.S. troops were removed from the region, and on 5 March 1971, the United States returned the 5th Special Forces Group, which was the first American unit deployed to South Vietnam, to its former base in Fort Bragg, North Carolina. [A ៤]
Under the Paris Peace Accords, between North Vietnamese Foreign Minister Lê Ðức Thọ and U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, and reluctantly signed by South Vietnamese president Thiệu, U.S. military forces withdrew from South Vietnam and prisoners were exchanged. North Vietnam was allowed to continue supplying communist troops in the South, but only to the extent of replacing materials that were consumed. Later that year the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Kissinger and Thọ, but the Vietnamese negotiator declined it saying that a true peace did not yet exist.
The communist leaders had expected that the ceasefire terms would favor their side. But Saigon, bolstered by a surge of U.S. aid received just before the ceasefire went into effect, began to roll back the Vietcong. The communists responded with a new strategy hammered out in a series of meetings in Hanoi in March 1973, according to the memoirs of Trần Văn Trà.
As the Vietcong's top commander, Trà participated in several of these meetings. With U.S. bombings suspended, work on the Ho Chi Minh Trail and other logistical structures could proceed unimpeded. Logistics would be upgraded until the North was in a position to launch a massive invasion of the South, projected for the 1975–76 dry season. Trà calculated that this date would be Hanoi's last opportunity to strike before Saigon's army could be fully trained.
In the November 1972 Election, Democrat nominee George McGovern lost 49 of 50 states to the incumbent president Richard Nixon. On 15 March 1973, President Nixon implied that the United States would intervene militarily if the communist side violated the ceasefire. Public and congressional reaction to Nixon's trial balloon was unfavorable and in April Nixon appointed Graham Martin as U.S. ambassador to Vietnam. Martin was a second stringer compared to previous U.S. ambassadors and his appointment was an early signal that Washington had given up on Vietnam. During his confirmation hearings in June 1973, Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger stated that he would recommend resumption of U.S. bombing in North Vietnam if North Vietnam launched a major offensive against South Vietnam. On 4 June 1973, the U.S. Senate passed the Case-Church Amendment to prohibit such intervention.
The oil price shock of October 1973 caused significant damage to the South Vietnamese economy. The Vietcong resumed offensive operations when dry season began and by January 1974 it had recaptured the territory it lost during the previous dry season. After two clashes that left 55 South Vietnamese soldiers dead, President Thiệu announced on 4 January that the war had restarted and that the Paris Peace Accord was no longer in effect. There had been over 25,000 South Vietnamese casualties during the ceasefire period.
Gerald Ford took over as U.S. president on 9 August 1974 after president Nixon resigned due to the Watergate scandal. At this time, Congress cut financial aid to South Vietnam from $1 billion a year to $700 million. The U.S. midterm elections in 1974 brought in a new Congress dominated by Democrats who were even more determined to confront the president on the war. Congress immediately voted in restrictions on funding and military activities to be phased in through 1975 and to culminate in a total cutoff of funding in 1976.
The success of the 1973–74 dry season offensive inspired Trà to return to Hanoi in October 1974 and plead for a larger offensive in the next dry season. This time, Trà could travel on a drivable highway with regular fueling stops, a vast change from the days when the Ho Chi Minh Trail was a dangerous mountain trek. Giáp, the North Vietnamese defense minister, was reluctant to approve Trà's plan. A larger offensive might provoke a U.S. reaction and interfere with the big push planned for 1976. Trà appealed over Giáp's head to first secretary Lê Duẩn, who approved of the operation.
Trà's plan called for a limited offensive from Cambodia into Phuoc Long Province. The strike was designed to solve local logistical problems, gauge the reaction of South Vietnamese forces, and determine whether U.S. would return to the fray.
On 13 December 1974, North Vietnamese forces attacked Route 14 in Phuoc Long Province. Phuoc Binh, the provincial capital, fell on 6 January 1975. Ford desperately asked Congress for funds to assist and re-supply the South before it was overrun. Congress refused. The fall of Phuoc Binh and the lack of an American response left the South Vietnamese elite demoralized.
The speed of this success led the Politburo to reassess its strategy. It was decided that operations in the Central Highlands would be turned over to General Văn Tiến Dũng and that Pleiku should be seized, if possible. Before he left for the South, Dũng was addressed by Lê Duẩn: "Never have we had military and political conditions so perfect or a strategic advantage as great as we have now."
At the start of 1975, the South Vietnamese had three times as much artillery and twice the number of tanks and armoured cars as the opposition. They also had 1,400 aircraft and a two-to-one numerical superiority in combat troops over their Communist enemies. However, the rising oil prices meant that much of this could not be used. They faced a well-organized, highly determined and well-funded North Vietnam. Much of the North's material and financial support came from the communist bloc. Within South Vietnam, there was increasing chaos. Their abandonment by the American military had compromised an economy dependent on U.S. financial support and the presence of a large number of U.S. troops. South Vietnam suffered from the global recession that followed the Arab oil embargo.
||ផ្នែកនេះ ត្រូវការអាគតដ្ឋានបន្ថែមដើម្បីផ្ទៀងផ្ទាត់។ សូមជួយបន្សើរអត្ថបទនេះ ដោយការបន្ថែមឯកសារយោងអាចទុកចិត្តបាន។ ខ្លឹមសារគ្មានប្រភពត្រូវផ្គូរផ្គង ហើយ ដកចេញ។ (May 2008)|
On 10 March 1975, General Dung launched Campaign 275, a limited offensive into the Central Highlands, supported by tanks and heavy artillery. The target was Buôn Ma Thuột, in Đắk Lắk Province. If the town could be taken, the provincial capital of Pleiku and the road to the coast would be exposed for a planned campaign in 1976. The ARVN proved incapable of resisting the onslaught, and its forces collapsed on 11 March. Once again, Hanoi was surprised by the speed of their success. Dung now urged the Politburo to allow him to seize Pleiku immediately and then turn his attention to Kon Tum. He argued that with two months of good weather remaining until the onset of the monsoon, it would be irresponsible to not take advantage of the situation.
President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, a former general, was fearful that his forces would be cut off in the north by the attacking communists; Thieu ordered a retreat. The president declared this to be a "lighten the top and keep the bottom" strategy. But in what appeared to be a repeat of Operation Lam Son 719, the withdrawal soon turned into a bloody rout. While the bulk of ARVN forces attempted to flee, isolated units fought desperately. ARVN General Phu abandoned Pleiku and Kon Tum and retreated toward the coast, in what became known as the "column of tears".
As the ARVN tried to disengage from the enemy, refugees mixed in with the line of retreat. The poor condition of roads and bridges, damaged by years of conflict and neglect, slowed Phu's column. As the North Vietnamese forces approached, panic set in. Often abandoned by the officers, the soldiers and civilians were shelled incessantly. The retreat degenerated into a desperate scramble for the coast. By 1 April the "column of tears" was all but annihilated.
On 20 March, Thieu reversed himself and ordered Huế, Vietnam's third-largest city, be held at all costs, and then changed his policy several times. Thieu's contradictory orders confused and demoralized his officer corps. As the North Vietnamese launched their attack, panic set in, and ARVN resistance withered. On 22 March, the VPA opened the siege of Huế. Civilians flooded the airport and the docks hoping for any mode of escape. Some even swam out to sea to reach boats and barges anchored offshore. In the confusion, routed ARVN soldiers fired on civilians to make way for their retreat.
On 25 March, after a three-day battle, Huế fell. As resistance in Huế collapsed, North Vietnamese rockets rained down on Da Nang and its airport. By 28 March 35,000 VPA troops were poised to attack the suburbs. By 30 March 100,000 leaderless ARVN troops surrendered as the VPA marched victoriously through Da Nang. With the fall of the city, the defense of the Central Highlands and Northern provinces came to an end.
Final North Vietnamese offensive[កែប្រែ]
With the northern half of the country under their control, the Politburo ordered General Dung to launch the final offensive against Saigon. The operational plan for the Ho Chi Minh Campaign called for the capture of Saigon before 1 May. Hanoi wished to avoid the coming monsoon and prevent any redeployment of ARVN forces defending the capital. Northern forces, their morale boosted by their recent victories, rolled on, taking Nha Trang, Cam Ranh, and Da Lat.
On 7 April, three North Vietnamese divisions attacked Xuan Loc, 40 miles (64 km) east of Saigon. The North Vietnamese met fierce resistance at Xuan Loc from the ARVN 18th Division, who were outnumbered six to one. For two bloody weeks, severe fighting raged as the ARVN defenders made a last stand to try to block the North Vietnamese advance. By 21 April, however, the exhausted garrison were ordered to withdraw towards Saigon.
An embittered and tearful president Thieu resigned on the same day, declaring that the United States had betrayed South Vietnam. In a scathing attack, he suggested U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger had tricked him into signing the Paris peace agreement two years ago, promising military aid that failed to materialise. Having transferred power to Tran Van Huong, he left for Taiwan on 25 April. At the same time, North Vietnamese tanks had reached Bien Hoa and turned toward Saigon, brushing aside isolated ARVN units along the way.
By the end of April, the ARVN had collapsed on all fronts except in the Mekong Delta. Thousand of refugees streamed southward, ahead of the main communist onslaught. On 27 April 100,000 North Vietnamese troops encircled Saigon. The city was defended by about 30,000 ARVN troops. To hasten a collapse and foment panic, the VPA shelled the airport and forced its closure. With the air exit closed, large numbers of civilians found that they had no way out.
Fall of Saigon[កែប្រែ]
Chaos, unrest, and panic broke out as hysterical South Vietnamese officials and civilians scrambled to leave Saigon. Martial law was declared. American helicopters began evacuating South Vietnamese, U.S., and foreign nationals from various parts of the city and from the U.S. embassy compound. Operation Frequent Wind had been delayed until the last possible moment, because of U.S. Ambassador Graham Martin's belief that Saigon could be held and that a political settlement could be reached.
Schlesinger announced early in the morning of 29 April 1975 the evacuation from Saigon by helicopter of the last U.S. diplomatic, military, and civilian personnel. Frequent Wind was arguably the largest helicopter evacuation in history. It began on 29 April, in an atmosphere of desperation, as hysterical crowds of Vietnamese vied for limited space. Martin pleaded with Washington to dispatch $700 million in emergency aid to bolster the regime and help it mobilize fresh military reserves. But American public opinion had soured on this conflict.
In the United States, South Vietnam was perceived as doomed. President Gerald Ford had given a televised speech on 23 April, declaring an end to the Vietnam War and all U.S. aid. Frequent Wind continued around the clock, as North Vietnamese tanks breached defenses on the outskirts of Saigon. In the early morning hours of 30 April, the last U.S. Marines evacuated the embassy by helicopter, as civilians swamped the perimeter and poured into the grounds. Many of them had been employed by the Americans and were left to their fate.
On 30 April 1975, Vietnamese People's Army troops entered the city of Saigon and quickly overcame all resistance, capturing key buildings and installations. A tank from the 324th Division crashed through the gates of the Independence Palace at 11:30 am local time and the Vietcong flag was raised above it. President Duong Van Minh, who had succeeded Huong two days earlier, surrendered.
Other countries' involvement[កែប្រែ]
People's Republic of China[កែប្រែ]
In 1950, the People's Republic of China extended diplomatic recognition to the Viet Minh's Democratic Republic of Vietnam and sent weapons, as well as military advisors led by Luo Guibo to assist the Viet Minh in its war with the French. The first draft of the 1954 Geneva Accords was negotiated by French prime minister Pierre Mendès France and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai who, fearing U.S. intervention, urged the Viet Minh to accept a partition at the 17th parallel.
China's ability to aid the Viet Minh declined when Soviet aid to China was reduced following the end of the Korean War in 1953. Moreover, a divided Vietnam posed less of a threat to China. China provided material and technical support to the Vietnamese communists worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Chinese-supplied rice allowed North Vietnam to pull military-age men from the paddies and to impose a universal draft beginning in 1960.
In the summer of 1962, Mao Zedong agreed to supply Hanoi with 90,000 rifles and guns free of charge. Starting in 1965, China sent anti-aircraft units and engineering battalions to North Vietnam to repair the damage caused by American bombing, rebuild roads and railroads, and to perform other engineering works. This freed North Vietnamese army units for combat in the South.
Sino-Soviet relations soured after the Soviets invaded Czechoslovakia in August 1968. In October, the Chinese demanded North Vietnam cut relations with Moscow, but Hanoi refused. The Chinese began to withdraw in November 1968 in preparation for a clash with the Soviets, which occurred at Zhenbao Island in March 1969. The Chinese also began financing the Khmer Rouge as a counterweight to the Vietnamese communists at this time. China's withdrawal from Vietnam was completed in July 1970.
The Khmer Rouge launched ferocious raids into Vietnam in 1975–1978. Vietnam responded with an invasion that toppled the Khmer Rouge. In response, China launched a brief, punitive invasion of Vietnam in 1979.
Soviet ships in the South China Sea gave vital early warnings to NLF forces in South Vietnam. The Soviet intelligence ships would pick up American B-52 bombers flying from Okinawa and Guam. Their airspeed and direction would be noted and then relayed to COSVN headquarters. COSVN using airspeed and direction would calculate the bombing target and tell any assets to move "perpendicularly to the attack trajectory." These advance warning gave them time to move out of the way of the bombers and while the bombing runs caused extensive damage, because of the early warnings from 1968–1970 they did not kill a single military or civilian leader in the headquarter complexes.
The Soviet Union supplied North Vietnam with medical supplies, arms, tanks, planes, helicopters, artillery, anti-aircraft missiles and other military equipment. Soviet crews fired USSR-made surface-to-air missiles at the F-4 Phantom, which were shot down over Thanh Hoa in 1965. Over a dozen Soviet citizens lost their lives in this conflict. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russian officials acknowledged that the Soviet Union had stationed up to 3,000 troops in Vietnam during the war.
Some Russian sources give more specific numbers: the hardware donated by the USSR included 2,000 tanks, 7,000 artillery guns, over 5,000 anti-aircraft guns, 158 surface-to-air rocket launchers. Over the course of the war the Soviet money donated to the Vietnamese cause was equal to 1.5–2 million dollars a day[ត្រូវការអំណះអំណាង]. From July 1965 to the end of 1974, fighting in Vietnam was attended by some 6,500 officers and generals, as well as more than 4,500 soldiers and sergeants of the Soviet Armed Forces. In addition, military schools and academies of the USSR began training Vietnamese soldiers – more than 10 thousand people.
As a result of a decision of the Korean Workers' Party in October 1966, in early 1967 North Korea sent a fighter squadron to North Vietnam to back up the North Vietnamese 921st and 923rd fighter squadrons defending Hanoi. They stayed through 1968, and 200 pilots were reported to have served.
In addition, at least two anti-aircraft artillery regiments were sent as well. North Korea also sent weapons, ammunition and two million sets of uniforms to their comrades in North Vietnam. Kim Il-sung is reported to have told his pilots to "fight in the war as if the Vietnamese sky were their own".
The contributions to North Vietnam by the communist Republic of Cuba, under Fidel Castro, is still a matter of debate. There are numerous reports by former U.S. prisoners of war that Cuban military personnel were present at North Vietnamese prison facilities during the war, and that they participated in torture activities, in what is known as the "Cuba Program". Witnesses to this include Senator John McCain, 2008 U.S. Presidential candidate and former Vietnam prisoner of war, according to his 1999 book Faith of My Fathers. That there was at least a small contingent of Cuban military advisors present in North Vietnam during the war is without question. Some, notably Vietnam War POW/MIA issue advocates, claim evidence that Cuba's military and non-military involvement may have run into the "thousands" of personnel. Then and since, the communist Vietnamese and Cuban governments have not divulged any information on this matter. The most well-known involvement, however, is Fidel Castro's visit to Quang Tri province, held by North Vietnam after the Easter Offensive.
On the anti-communist side, South Korea had the second-largest contingent of foreign troops in South Vietnam after the United States. In November 1961, Park Chung Hee proposed South Korean participation in the war to John F. Kennedy, but Kennedy disagreed. On 1 May 1964 Lyndon Johnson requested South Korean participation. The first South Korean troops began arriving in 1964 and large combat battalions began arriving a year later, with the South Koreans soon developing a reputation for effectiveness. Indeed arguably, they conducted counterinsurgency operations so well that American commanders felt that South Korean area of responsibility was the safest.
Approximately 320,000 South Korean soldiers were sent to Vietnam, each serving a one year tour of duty. Maximum troop levels peaked at 50 thousand in 1968, however all were withdrawn by 1973. About five thousand South Koreans were killed and 11 thousand were injured during the war. South Korea claimed they killed 41,000 Vietcong fighters. The United States paid South Korean soldiers 236 million dollars for their efforts in Vietnam, and South Korean GNP increased five-fold during the war.
Australia and New Zealand[កែប្រែ]
Australia and New Zealand, close allies of the United States and members of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the ANZUS military co-operation treaty, sent ground troops to Vietnam. Both nations had gained experience in counterinsurgency and jungle warfare during the Malayan Emergency and World War II. Their governments subscribed to the Domino theory. Australia began by sending advisors to Vietnam in 1962, and combat troops were committed in 1965. New Zealand began by sending a detachment of engineers and an artillery battery, and then started sending special forces and regular infantry which were attached to Australian formations. Australia's peak commitment was 7,672 combat troops and New Zealand's 552. More than 60,000 Australian personnel were involved during the course of the war, of which 521 were killed and more than 3,000 wounded. Approximately 3,000 New Zealanders served in Vietnam, losing 37 killed and 187 wounded. Most Australians and New Zealanders served in the 1st Australian Task Force in Phước Tuy province.
Some 10,450 Filipino troops were dispatched to South Vietnam. They were primarily engaged in medical and other civilian pacification projects. These forces operated under the designation PHLCAG-V or Philippine Civic Action Group-Vietnam.
Thai Army formations, including the "Queen's Cobra" battalion, saw action in South Vietnam between 1965 and 1971. Thai forces saw much more action in the covert war in Laos between 1964 and 1972, though Thai regular formations there were heavily outnumbered by the irregular "volunteers" of the CIA-sponsored Police Aerial Reconnaissance Units or PARU, who carried out reconnaissance activities on the western side of the Ho Chi Minh Trail.
Republic of China (Taiwan)[កែប្រែ]
Since November 1967, the Taiwanese government secretly operated a cargo transport detachment to assist the United States and South Vietnam. Taiwan also provided military training units for the South Vietnamese diving units, later known as the Lien Doi Nguoi Nhai (LDMN) or Frogman unit in English. In addition to the diving trainers there were several hundred military personnel. Military commandos from Taiwan were captured by communist forces three times trying to infiltrate North Vietnam.
Canada and the ICC[កែប្រែ]
Canada, India and Poland constituted the International Control Commission, which was supposed to monitor the 1954 ceasefire agreement. Officially, Canada did not have partisan involvement in the Vietnam War and diplomatically it was "non-belligerent". Victor Levant suggested otherwise in his book "Quiet Complicity: Canadian Involvement in the Vietnam War" (1986). The Vietnam War entry in The Canadian Encyclopedia asserts plainly that Canada's record on the truce commissions was a pro-Saigon partisan one.
A large number of war crimes took place during the Vietnam War. War crimes were committed by both sides during the conflict and included rape, massacres of civilians, bombings of civilian targets, terrorism, the widespread use of torture and the murder of prisoners of war. Additional common crimes included theft, arson, and the destruction of property.
American war crimes[កែប្រែ]
In 1968, The Vietnam War Crimes Working Group (VWCWG) was established by the Pentagon task force set up in the wake of the My Lai Massacre, to attempt to ascertain the veracity of emerging claims of war crimes by U.S. armed forces in Vietnam, during the Vietnam War period.
The investigation compiled over 9,000 pages of investigative files, sworn statements by witnesses and status reports for top military officers, indicating that 320 alleged incidents had factual basis. The substantiated cases included 7 massacres between 1967 and 1971 in which at least 137 civilians were killed; seventy eight further attacks targeting non-combatants resulting in at least 57 deaths, 56 wounded and 15 sexually assaulted; one hundred and forty-one cases of US soldiers torturing civilian detainees or prisoners of war with fists, sticks, bats, water or electric shock. Over 800 alleged atrocities were investigated but only 23 soldiers were ever convicted on charges and most served sentences of less than a year.[unreliable source?] A Los Angeles Times report on the archived files concluded that the war crimes were not confined to a few rogue units, having been uncovered in every army division that was active in Vietnam.
In 2003 a series of investigative reports by the Toledo Blade uncovered a large number of unreported American war crimes particularly from the Tiger Force unit. Some of the most violent war criminals included men such as Sam Ybarra and Sergeant Roy E. "the Bummer" Bumgarner, a soldier who served with the 1st Cavalry Division and later the 173d Airborne Brigade.
In 1971 the later U.S. presidential candidate, John Kerry, testified before the U.S. Senate and stated that over 150 U.S. veterans testified during the Winter Soldier Investigation and described war crimes committed in Southeast Asia.
"They told the stories of times that they had personally raped, cut off the ears, cut off heads, taped wires from portable telephones to human genitals and turned up the power, cut off limbs, blown up bodies, randomly shot at civilians, razed villages in a fashion reminiscent of Genghis Khan, shot cattle and dogs for fun, poisoned food stocks and generally ravaged the countryside of South Vietnam in addition to the normal ravage of war and the normal and very particular ravaging which is done by the applied bombing power of this country."
North Vietnamese, Vietcong, and Khmer Rouge war crimes[កែប្រែ]
Viet Cong insurgents reportedly sliced off the genitals of village chiefs and sewed them inside their bloody mouths, cut off the tongues of helpless victims, rammed bamboo lances through one ear and out the other, slashed open the wombs of pregnant women, machine gunned children, hacked men and women to pieces with machetes, and cut off the fingers of small children who dared to get an education.[unreliable source?][unreliable source?] According to a U.S. Senate report, squads were assigned monthly assassination quotas.[unreliable source?] Peer De Silva, former head of the Saigon department of the CIA, wrote that from as early as 1963, Viet Cong units were using disembowelment and other methods of mutilation for psychological warfare.
According to Guenter Lewy, Viet Cong insurgents assassinated at least 37,000 civilians in South Vietnam and routinely employed terror on a daily basis. Ami Pedahzur has written that "the overall volume and lethality of Vietcong terrorism rivals or exceeds all but a handful of terrorist campaigns waged over the last third of the twentieth century". Notable Viet Cong atrocities include the massacre of over 3,000 unarmed civilians at Huế during the Tet Offensive and the incineration of hundreds of civilians at Dak Son with flamethrowers. Up to 155,000 refugees fleeing the final North Vietnamese Spring Offensive were killed or abducted on the road to Tuy Hòa in 1975. According to Rummel, North Vietnamese and Viet Cong troops murdered between 106,000 and 227,000 civilians in South Vietnam. North Vietnam was also known for its inhumane and abusive treatment of American POWs, most notably in Hoa Lo Prison (aka the Hanoi Hilton), where severe torture was employed to extract "confessions".
Khmer Rouge insurgents also reportedly committed atrocities during the war. These include the murder of civilians and POWs by slowly sawing off their heads a little more each day, the destruction of Buddhist wats and the killing of monks,[unreliable source?] attacks on refugee camps involving the deliberate murder of babies and bomb threats against foreign aid workers,[unreliable source?] the abduction and assassination of journalists, and the shelling of Phnom Penh for more than a year.[unreliable source?] Journalist accounts stated that the Khmer Rouge shelling "tortured the capital almost continuously," inflicting "random death and mutilation" on 2 million trapped civilians.
The Khmer Rouge forcibly evacuated the entire city after taking it, in what has been described as a death march: Francois Ponchaud wrote that "I shall never forget one cripple who had neither hands nor feet, writhing along the ground like a severed worm, or a weeping father carrying his ten-year old daughter wrapped in a sheet tied around his neck like a sling, or the man with his foot dangling at the end of a leg to which it was attached by nothing but skin"; John Swain recalled that the Khmer Rouge were "tipping out patients from the hospitals like garbage into the streets....In five years of war, this is the greatest caravan of human misery I have seen." During the war, the Khmer Rouge caused several times more civilian casualties than the entire U.S. bombing of Cambodia.
Women in Vietnam[កែប្រែ]
During the Vietnam War, women served on active duty doing a variety of jobs. Early in 1963, the Army Nurse Corps (ANC) launched Operation Nightingale, an intensive effort to recruit nurses to serve in Vietnam. Most nurses who volunteered to serve in Vietnam came from predominantly working or middle-class families with histories of military service. The majority of these women were white Catholics and Protestants. Because the need for medical aid was great, many nurses underwent a concentrated four-month training program before being deployed to Vietnam in the ANC Due to the shortage of staff, nurses usually worked twelve-hour shifts, six days per week and often suffered from exhaustion. First Lieutenant Sharon Lane was the only female military nurse to be killed by enemy gunfire during the war, on 8 June 1969.
At the start of the Vietnam War, it was commonly thought that American women had no place in the military. Their traditional place had been in the domestic sphere, but with the war came opportunity for the expansion of gender roles. In Vietnam, women held a variety of jobs which included operating complex data processing equipment and serving as stenographers. Although a small number of women were assigned to combat zones, they were never allowed directly in the field of battle. The women who served in the military were solely volunteers. They faced a plethora of challenges, one of which was the relatively small number of female soldiers. Living in a male-dominated environment created tensions between the sexes. While this high male to female ratio was often uncomfortable for women, many men reported that having women in the field with them boosted their morale. Although this was not the women's purpose, it was one positive result of the their service. By 1973, approximately 7,500 women had served in Vietnam in the Southeast Asian theater. In that same year, the military lifted the prohibition on women entering the armed forces.
American women serving in Vietnam were subject to societal stereotypes. Many Americans either considered females serving in Vietnam masculine for living under the army discipline, or judged them to be women of questionable moral character who enlisted for the sole purpose of seducing men. To address this problem, the ANC released advertisements portraying women in the ANC as "proper, professional and well protected." (26) This effort to highlight the positive aspects of a nursing career reflected the ideas of second-wave feminism that occurred during the 1960s–1970s in the United States. Although female military nurses lived in a heavily male environment, very few cases of sexual harassment were ever reported. In 2008, by contrast, approximately one-third of women in the military felt that they had been sexually harassed compared with one-third of men.
||ផ្នែកនេះមិនបានបញ្ជាក់អំពីប្រភព ឬឯកសារយោងទេ។ សូមចូលរួមជួយក្នុងអត្ថបទនេះ ដោយរក-បញ្ជាក់អំពីប្រភព-ឯកសារយោងដែលគួរទុកចិត្តបាន។ ខ្លឹមសារគ្មានប្រភពអាចនឹងត្រូវ ជជែក ហើយនិងដកចេញ ។ (February 2013)|
Unlike the American women who went to Vietnam, North Vietnamese women were enlisted and fought in the combat zone as well as provided manual labor to keep the Ho Chi Minh Trail open, cook for the troops, and some served as "comfort women" for male communist fighters. They also worked in the rice fields in North Vietnam and Viet Cong-held farming areas in South Vietnam's Mekong Delta region to provide food for their families and the war effort. Women were enlisted in both the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) and the Viet Cong guerrilla insurgent force in South Vietnam. Some women also served for the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong intelligence services.
In South Vietnam, many women voluntarily serve in the ARVN's Women's Armed Force Corps (WAFC) and various other Women's corps in the military. Some, like in the WAFC, fought in combat with other soldiers. Others have served as nurses and doctors in the battlefield and in military hospitals, or served in South Vietnam or America's intelligence agencies. During Diem's presidency, Madame Nhu was the commander of the WAFC.
Communist forces were principally armed with Chinese and Soviet weaponry though some Viet Cong guerrilla units were equipped with Western infantry weapons either captured from French stocks during the first Indochina war or from ARVN units or requisitioned through illicit purchase. The ubiquitous Soviet AK-47 was widely regarded as the best assault rifle of the war, due to its ability to continue to function even in adverse, muddy conditions. It was not uncommon to see U.S. special forces fighting with captured AK-47s. Other weapons used by the Viet Cong included the PPSh-41 submachine gun (both Soviet and Chinese versions), the Škorpion vz. 61 submachine gun, the DShK heavy machine gun and the Stechkin APS machine pistol.
The American M16, which replaced the M14, was considered more accurate and was lighter than the AK-47 but was prone to jamming. Oftentimes the gun suffered from a jamming flaw known as "failure to extract," which meant that a spent cartridge case remained lodged in the chamber after a bullet flew out the muzzle. According to a congressional report, the jamming was caused primarily by a change in gunpowder which was done without adequate testing and reflected a decision for which the safety of soldiers was a secondary consideration.
The M60 machine gun GPMG (General Purpose Machine Gun) was the main machine gun of the US army at the time and many of them were put on helicopters, to provide suppressive fire when landing in hostile regions. The MAC-10 machine pistol was supplied to many special forces troops in the midpoint of the war. It also armed many CIA agents in the field.
Two of the aircraft which were prominent in the war are the AC-130 "Spectre" Gunship and the UH-1 "Huey" gunship. The AC-130 is a heavily-armed ground-attack aircraft variant of the C-130 Hercules transport plane; it was used to provide close air support, air interdiction and force protection. The AC-130H "Spectre" was armed with two 20 mm M61 Vulcan cannons, one Bofors 40mm autocannon, and one 105 mm M102 cannon. The Huey is a military helicopter powered by a single, turboshaft engine, with a two-bladed main rotor and tail rotor. Approximately 7,000 UH-1 aircraft saw service in Vietnam.
The Claymore M18A1, an anti-personnel mine, was widely used during the war. Unlike a conventional land mine, the Claymore is command-detonated and directional, meaning it is fired by remote-control and shoots a pattern of metal balls into the kill zone like a shotgun.
The aircraft ordnance used during the war included precision-guided munition, cluster bombs, and napalm, a thickening/gelling agent generally mixed with petroleum or a similar fuel for use in an incendiary device, initially against buildings and later primarily as an anti-personnel weapon that sticks to skin and can burn down to the bone.
Events in Southeast Asia[កែប្រែ]
On 2 July 1976, North and South Vietnam were merged to form the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Following the communist takeover, 1–2.5 million South Vietnamese were sent to reeducation camps, with an estimated 165,000 prisoners dying. Between 100,000 and 200,000 South Vietnamese were executed. R.J. Rummel, an analyst of political killings, estimated that about 50,000 South Vietnamese deported to "New Economic Zones" died performing hard labor, out of the 1 million that were sent. 200,000 to 400,000 Vietnamese boat people died at sea, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia, fell to followers of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, commonly known as the Khmer Rouge, on 17 April 1975. Under the leadership of Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge would eventually kill 1–3 million Cambodians in the killing fields, out of a population of around 8 million. At least 1,386,734 victims of execution have been counted in mass graves, while demographic analysis suggests that the policies of the regime caused between 1.7 and 2.5 million excess deaths altogether (including disease and starvation). After repeated border clashes in 1978, Vietnam invaded Democratic Kampuchea (Cambodia) and ousted the Khmer Rouge in the Cambodian–Vietnamese War. The Vietnamese installed a new government led by Khmer Rouge defectors, which killed tens of thousands and enslaved hundreds of thousands.
In response, China invaded Vietnam in 1979. The two countries fought a brief border war, known as the Sino-Vietnamese War. From 1978 to 1979, some 450,000 ethnic Chinese left Vietnam by boat as refugees or were expelled across the land border with China.
The communist Pathet Lao overthrew the royalist government of Laos in December 1975, establishing the Lao People's Democratic Republic. The conflict between Hmong rebels and the Pathet Lao continued in isolated pockets. The government of Laos has been accused of committing genocide against the Hmong in collaboration with the Vietnamese army, with up to 100,000 killed out of a population of 400,000. From 1975 to 1996, the United States resettled some 250,000 Lao refugees from Thailand, including 130,000 Hmong.
More than 3 million people fled from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, many as "boat people". Most Asian countries were unwilling to accept refugees. Since 1975, an estimated 1.4 million refugees from Vietnam and other Southeast Asian countries have been resettled to the United States, while Canada, Australia, and France resettled over 500,000. In 1988, Vietnam suffered a famine that afflicted millions. Vietnam played a role in Asia similar to Cuba's in Latin America: it supported local revolutionary groups and was a headquarters for Soviet-style communism.
Effect on the United States[កែប្រែ]
In the post-war era, Americans struggled to absorb the lessons of the military intervention. As General Maxwell Taylor, one of the principal architects of the war, noted, "First, we didn't know ourselves. We thought that we were going into another Korean War, but this was a different country. Secondly, we didn't know our South Vietnamese allies... And we knew less about North Vietnam. Who was Ho Chi Minh? Nobody really knew. So, until we know the enemy and know our allies and know ourselves, we'd better keep out of this kind of dirty business. It's very dangerous."
Some have suggested that "the responsibility for the ultimate failure of this policy [America's withdrawal from Vietnam] lies not with the men who fought, but with those in Congress..." Alternatively, the official history of the United States Army noted that "tactics have often seemed to exist apart from larger issues, strategies, and objectives. Yet in Vietnam the Army experienced tactical success and strategic failure... The...Vietnam War...legacy may be the lesson that unique historical, political, cultural, and social factors always impinge on the military...Success rests not only on military progress but on correctly analyzing the nature of the particular conflict, understanding the enemy's strategy, and assessing the strengths and weaknesses of allies. A new humility and a new sophistication may form the best parts of a complex heritage left to the Army by the long, bitter war in Vietnam."
U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger wrote in a secret memo to president Gerald Ford that "in terms of military tactics, we cannot help draw the conclusion that our armed forces are not suited to this kind of war. Even the Special Forces who had been designed for it could not prevail." Even Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara concluded that "the achievement of a military victory by U.S. forces in Vietnam was indeed a dangerous illusion."
Doubts surfaced as to the effectiveness of large-scale, sustained bombing. As Army Chief of Staff Harold Keith Johnson noted, "if anything came out of Vietnam, it was that air power couldn't do the job." Even General William Westmoreland admitted that the bombing had been ineffective. As he remarked, "I still doubt that the North Vietnamese would have relented."
The inability to bomb Hanoi to the bargaining table also illustrated another U.S. miscalculation. The North's leadership was composed of hardened communists who had been fighting for independence for thirty years. They had defeated the French, and their tenacity as both nationalists and communists was formidable. Ho Chi Minh is quoted as saying, "You can kill ten of my men for every one I kill of yours...But even at these odds you will lose and I will win."
The Vietnam War called into question the U.S. Army doctrine. Marine Corps General Victor H. Krulak heavily criticised Westmoreland's attrition strategy, calling it "wasteful of American lives... with small likelihood of a successful outcome." In addition, doubts surfaced about the ability of the military to train foreign forces.
More than 3 million Americans served in the Vietnam War, some 1.5 million of whom actually saw combat in Vietnam. James E. Westheider wrote that "At the height of American involvement in 1968, for example, there were 543,000 American military personnel in Vietnam, but only 80,000 were considered combat troops." Conscription in the United States had been controlled by the president since World War II, but ended in 1973."
By war's end, 58,220 American soldiers had been killed,[A ២] more than 150,000 had been wounded, and at least 21,000 had been permanently disabled. The average age of the U.S. troops killed in Vietnam was 23.11 years. According to Dale Kueter, "Of those killed in combat, 86.3 percent were white, 12.5 percent were black and the remainder from other races." Approximately 830,000 Vietnam veterans suffered symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder. An estimated 125,000 Americans left for Canada to avoid the Vietnam draft, and approximately 50,000 American servicemen deserted. In 1977, United States president Jimmy Carter granted a full, complete and unconditional pardon to all Vietnam-era draft dodgers. The Vietnam War POW/MIA issue, concerning the fate of U.S. service personnel listed as missing in action, persisted for many years after the war's conclusion.
One of the most controversial aspects of the U.S. military effort in Southeast Asia was the widespread use of chemical defoliants between 1961 and 1971. They were used to defoliate large parts of the countryside to prevent the Viet Cong from being able to hide their weapons and encampments under the foliage. These chemicals continue to change the landscape, cause diseases and birth defects, and poison the food chain.
Early in the American military effort, it was decided that since the enemy were hiding their activities under triple-canopy jungle, a useful first step might be to defoliate certain areas. This was especially true of growth surrounding bases (both large and small) in what became known as Operation Ranch Hand. Corporations like Dow Chemical Company and Monsanto were given the task of developing herbicides for this purpose.
The defoliants, which were distributed in drums marked with color-coded bands, included the "Rainbow Herbicides"—Agent Pink, Agent Green, Agent Purple, Agent Blue, Agent White, and, most famously, Agent Orange, which included dioxin as a by-product of its manufacture. About 12 million gallons (45,000,000 L) of Agent Orange were sprayed over Southeast Asia during the American involvement. A prime area of Ranch Hand operations was in the Mekong Delta, where the U.S. Navy patrol boats were vulnerable to attack from the undergrowth at the water's edge.
In 1961 and 1962, the Kennedy administration authorized the use of chemicals to destroy rice crops. Between 1961 and 1967, the U.S. Air Force sprayed 20 million U.S. gallons (75,700,000 L) of concentrated herbicides over 6 million acres (24,000 km2) of crops and trees, affecting an estimated 13% of South Vietnam's land. In 1965, 42% of all herbicide was sprayed over food crops. Another purpose of herbicide use was to drive civilian populations into RVN-controlled areas.
As of 2006, the Vietnamese government estimates that there are over 4,000,000 victims of dioxin poisoning in Vietnam, although the United States government denies any conclusive scientific links between Agent Orange and the Vietnamese victims of dioxin poisoning. In some areas of southern Vietnam, dioxin levels remain at over 100 times the accepted international standard.
The U.S. Veterans Administration has listed prostate cancer, respiratory cancers, multiple myeloma, Diabetes mellitus type 2, B-cell lymphomas, soft-tissue sarcoma, chloracne, porphyria cutanea tarda, peripheral neuropathy, and spina bifida in children of veterans exposed to Agent Orange. Although there has been much discussion over whether the use of these defoliants constituted a violation of the laws of war, the defoliants were not considered weapons, since exposure to them did not lead to immediate death or incapacitation.
195,000–430,000 South Vietnamese civilians died in the war. 50,000–65,000 North Vietnamese civilians died in the war. The Army of the Republic of Vietnam lost between 171,331 and 220,357 men during the war. The official US Department of Defense figure was 950,765 communist forces killed in Vietnam from 1965 to 1974. Defense Department officials believed that these body count figures need to be deflated by 30 percent. In addition, Guenter Lewy assumes that one-third of the reported "enemy" killed may have been civilians, concluding that the actual number of deaths of communist military forces was probably closer to 444,000. The most detailed demographic study calculated 791,000–1,141,000 war-related deaths for all of Vietnam. Between 200,000 and 300,000 Cambodians died in the war, along with about 60,000 Laotians and 58,220 U.S. service members.
The Vietnam War has been featured heavily in television, film, video games, and literature in the participant countries. One of the first major films based on the Vietnam War was John Wayne's pro-war film, The Green Berets (1968). Further cinematic representations were released during the 1970s and 1980s, including Michael Cimino's The Deer Hunter (1978), Francis Ford Coppola's Apocalypse Now (1979), Oliver Stone's Platoon (1986) — based on his service in the U.S. Military during the Vietnam War, Stanley Kubrick's Full Metal Jacket (1987), Hamburger Hill (1987) and Casualties of War (1989). Later films would include We Were Soldiers (2002) and Rescue Dawn (2007). The war also influenced a generation of musicians and songwriters in Vietnam and the United States, both anti-war and pro/anti-communist. The band Country Joe and the Fish recorded "I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-To-Die Rag" / The "Fish" Cheer in 1965, and it became one of the most influential anti-Vietnam protest anthems.
Trinh Cong Son was a South Vietnamese songwriter famous for his anti-war songs.
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- Aircraft losses of the Vietnam War
- Awards and decorations of the Vietnam War
- Counterculture of the 1960s
- Củ Chi tunnels
- Dak Son Massacre
- Draft lottery (1969)
- Kit Carson Scouts
- List of Medal of Honor recipients for the Vietnam War
- List of United States servicemembers and civilians missing in action during the Vietnam War (1968–69)
- Major General Michael D. Healy
- Operation Wheeler/Wallowa
- Patrol Craft Fast
- Protests of 1968
- The Sixties Unplugged
- Tiger Force
- United States Air Force in South Vietnam
- United States Air Force in Thailand
- United States Army Special Forces in popular culture
- U.S. news media and the Vietnam War
- Vietnam War Crimes Working Group Files
- Weapons of the Cambodian Civil War
- Weapons of the Vietnam War
- Winter Soldier Investigation
- Due to the early presence of American troops in Vietnam the start date of the Vietnam War is a matter of debate. In 1998 after a high level review by the Department of Defense (DoD) and through the efforts of Richard B. Fitzgibbon's family the start date of the Vietnam War according to the US government was officially changed to 1 November 1955. U.S. government reports currently cite 1 November 1955 as the commencement date of the "Vietnam Conflict," because this was the day when the U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) in Indochina (deployed to Southeast Asia under president Truman) was reorganized into country-specific units and MAAG Vietnam was established. Other start dates include when Hanoi authorized Viet Cong forces in South Vietnam to begin a low-level insurgency in December 1956, whereas some view 26 September 1959 when the first battle occurred between the Communist and South Vietnamese army, as the start date.
- The figures of 58,220 and 303,644 for U.S. deaths and wounded come from the Department of Defense Statistical Information Analysis Division (SIAD), Defense Manpower Data Center, as well as from a Department of Veterans fact sheet dated May 2010 the CRS (Congressional Research Service) Report for Congress, American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics, dated 26 February 2010, and the book Crucible Vietnam: Memoir of an Infantry Lieutenant. Some other sources give different figures (e.g. the 2005/2006 documentary Heart of Darkness: The Vietnam War Chronicles 1945–1975 cited elsewhere in this article gives a figure of 58,159 U.S. deaths, and the 2007 book Vietnam Sons gives a figure of 58,226)
- The Việt Nam Ðộc Lập Ðồng Minh Hội had previously formed in Nanjing, China, at some point between August 1935 and early 1936 when the non-communist Vietnamese Nationalist Party (Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng, or Việt Quốc), led by Nguyễn Thái Học, and some members of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) and a number of other Vietnamese nationalist parties formed an anti-imperialist united front. This organisation soon lapsed into inactivity, only to be revived by the ICP and Ho Chi Minh in 1941.
- On 8 March 1965 the first American combat troops the, Third Marine Regiment, Third Marine Division, began landing in Vietnam to protect the Da Nang airport.
- Larsen, Stanley R. and Collins, James L. Jr. Vietnam Studies: Allied Participation in Vietnam. Washington, DC: Department of the Army, 1985. p. 167. Spain sent a medical team to Co Gong Province in 1965.
- "ALLIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM"។ http://www.psywarrior.com/AlliesRepublicVietnam.html។ បានយកមក 24 September 2011។
- http://www.svet.czsk.net/clanky/svet/koreapokusy.html czech
- http://www.e-polis.cz/mezinarodni-vztahy/322-bilateralni-vztahy-ceske-republiky-a-vietnamske-socialisticke-republiky.html czech
- "Foreign Affairs in the 1960s and 1970s"។ Library of Congress។ 1992។ បានដាក់ទុកឯកសារ ពី នៅថ្ងៃ 2012-12-05។ https://archive.is/1PgZ។ "Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Bulgaria gave official military support to many national liberation causes, most notably in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, (North Vietnam)..."
- "Vietnam War : US Troop Strength"។ Historycentral.com។ http://www.historycentral.com/Vietnam/Troop.html។ បានយកមក 17 October 2009។ [តំណភ្ជាប់ខូច]
- "Facts about the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Collection"។ nps.gov។ http://www.nps.gov/mrc/reader/vvmcr.htm។ (citing The first American ground combat troops landed in South Vietnam during March 1965, specifically the U.S. Third Marine Regiment, Third Marine Division, deployed to Vietnam from Okinawa to defend the Da Nang, Vietnam, airfield. During the height of U.S. military involvement, 31 December 1968, the breakdown of allied forces were as follows: 536,100 U.S. military personnel, with 30,610 U.S. military having been killed to date; 65,000 Free World Forces personnel; 820,000 South Vietnam Armed Forces (SVNAF) with 88,343 having been killed to date. At the war's end, there were approximately 2,200 U.S. missing in action (MIA) and prisoner of war (POW). Source: Harry G. Summers, Jr. Vietnam War Almanac, Facts on File Publishing, 1985.)
- Vietnam Marines 1965–73។ Osprey Publishing។ 8 March 1965។ http://books.google.com/?id=TGJ9V06p0BQC&pg=PA16។ បានយកមក 29 April 2011។
- Vietnam War After Action Reports, BACM Research, 2009, page 430
- Lewy, Guenter (1978). America in Vietnam. New York: Oxford University Press. Appendix 1, pp.450–453.
- Thayer, Thomas C (1985). War Without Fronts: The American Experience in Vietnam. Boulder: Westview Press. Ch. 12.
- Thayer, Thomas C (1985). War Without Fronts: The American Experience in Vietnam. Boulder: Westview Press. p.106.
- The Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War: A Political, Social, and Military History By Spencer C. Tucker "http://books.google.com/?id=qh5lffww-KsC"
- Wiesner, Louis A. (1988). Victims and Survivors Displaced Persons and Other War Victims in Viet-Nam. New York: Greenwood Press. p.310
- Associated Press, 3 April 1995, "Vietnam Says 1.1 Million Died Fighting For North."
- Soames, John. A History of the World, Routledge, 2005.
- Dunnigan, James & Nofi, Albert: Dirty Little Secrets of the Vietnam War: Military Information You're Not Supposed to Know. St. Martin's Press, 2000, p. 284. ISBN 0-312-25282-X.
- Shenon, Philip (23 April 1995)។ "20 Years After Victory, Vietnamese Communists Ponder How to Celebrate"។ The New York Times។ http://www.nytimes.com/1995/04/23/world/20-years-after-victory-vietnamese-communists-ponder-how-to-celebrate.html។ បានយកមក 24 February 2011។ The Vietnamese government officially claimed a rough estimate of 2 million civilian deaths, but it did not divide these deaths between North and South Vietnam. Cite error: Invalid
<ref>tag; name "afp1995" defined multiple times with different content
- Heuveline, Patrick (2001). "The Demographic Analysis of Mortality in Cambodia." In Forced Migration and Mortality, eds. Holly E. Reed and Charles B. Keely. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Cite error: Invalid
<ref>tag; name "Heuveline, Patrick 2001" defined multiple times with different content
- Marek Sliwinski, Le Génocide Khmer Rouge: Une Analyse Démographique (L'Harmattan, 1995).
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- DoD 1998
- Lawrence 2009, ទ. 20
- James Olson and Randy Roberts, Where the Domino Fell: America and Vietnam, 1945–1990, p. 67 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991).
- Origins of the Insurgency in South Vietnam, 1954–1960, The Pentagon Papers (Gravel Edition), Volume 1, Chapter 5, (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), Section 3, pp. 314–346; International Relations Department, Mount Holyoke College.
- "Vietnam War"។ Encyclopædia Britannica។ http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/628478/Vietnam-War។ បានយកមក 5 March 2008។ "Meanwhile, the United States, its military demoralized and its civilian electorate deeply divided, began a process of coming to terms with defeat in its longest and most controversial war"
- Digital History, Steven Mintz។ "The Vietnam War"។ Digitalhistory.uh.edu។ http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/modules/vietnam/index.cfm។ បានយកមក 31 October 2011។
- Vietnam War Statistics and Facts 1, 25th Aviation Battalion website.
- Kolko, Gabriel Anatomy of War, pp. 457, 461 ff., ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Charles Hirschman et al., "Vietnamese Casualties During the American War: A New Estimate," Population and Development Review, December 1995.
- Warner, Roger, Shooting at the Moon, (1996), pp366, estimates 30,000 Hmong.
- Obermeyer, "Fifty years of violent war deaths from Vietnam to Bosnia", British Medical Journal, 2008, estimates 60,000 total.
- T. Lomperis, From People's War to People's Rule, (1996), estimates 35,000 total.
- Small, Melvin & Joel David Singer, Resort to Arms: International and Civil Wars 1816–1980, (1982), estimates 20,000 total.
- Taylor, Charles Lewis, The World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators, estimates 20,000 total.
- Stuart-Fox, Martin, A History of Laos, estimates 200,000 by 1973.
- America's Wars (Report). Department of Veterans Affairs. 26 February 2010. http://www1.va.gov/opa/publications/factsheets/fs_americas_wars.pdf.
- Anne Leland; Mari–Jana "M-J" Oboroceanu (26 February 2010). American War and Military Operations: Casualties: Lists and Statistics (Report). Congressional Research Service. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/RL32492.pdf.
- Lawrence 2009, ទទ. 65, 107, 154, 217
- Aaron Ulrich (editor); Edward FeuerHerd (producer and director). Heart of Darkness: The Vietnam War Chronicles 1945–1975 (Box set, Color, Dolby, DVD-Video, Full Screen, NTSC, Dolby, Vision Software) [Documentary]. Koch Vision. ពេល 321 minutes.
- Kueter, Dale. Vietnam Sons: For Some, the War Never Ended. AuthorHouse (21 March 2007). ISBN 978-1425969318
- Moore, Harold. G and Joseph L. Galloway We Are Soldiers Still: A Journey Back to the Battlefields of Vietnam (p. 57).
- "Asian-Nation: Asian American History, Demographics, & Issues:: The American / Viet Nam War"។ http://www.asian-nation.org/vietnam-war.shtml។ បានយកមក 18 August 2008។ "The Viet Nam War is also called 'The American War' by the Vietnamese"
- Ooi, Keat Gin. Southeast Asia: a historical encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor. ABC-CLIO; 2004. ISBN 978-1-57607-770-2. p. 520.
- Rai, Lajpat. Social Science. FK Publications; ISBN 978-81-89611-12-5. p. 22.
- Dommen, Arthur J.. The Indochinese experience of the French and the Americans: nationalism and communism in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. Indiana University Press; 2001. ISBN 978-0-253-33854-9. p. 4–19.
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 3, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 17, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Sophie Quinn-Judge (2003)។ Ho Chi Minh: the missing years, 1919–1941។ C. Hurst។ ទំ. 212–213។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 978-1-85065-658-6។ http://books.google.com/?id=knErjpiKxQoC&pg=PA212។
- Vietnam Vietnam by Spencer Tucker, p. 42, ISBN 0-8131-0966-3 Retrieved 4 June 2011.
- Brocheux 2007, ទ. 198
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 18, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Koh, David (21 August 2008)។ "Vietnam needs to remember famine of 1945"។ The Straits Times (Singapore)។ http://mailman.anu.edu.au/pipermail/hepr-vn/2008-August/000188.html។
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, pp. 18–19, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Kolko, Gabriel Anatomy of War, p. 36, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 19, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 20, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Interview with Carleton Swift, 1981, http://openvault.wgbh.org/catalog/vietnam-9dc948-interview-with-carleton-swift
- Stuart-Fox, Martin. A History of Laos. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, http://www.taiwandocuments.org/japansurrender.htm
- Interview with Archimedes L. A. Patti, 1981, http://openvault.wgbh.org/catalog/vietnam-bf3262-interview-with-archimedes-l-a-patti-1981
- Kolko, Gabriel Anatomy of War, p. 37, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- "ベトナム独立戦争参加日本人の事跡に基づく日越のあり方に関する研究"។ 井川 一久។ Tokyo foundation។ October 2005។ http://nippon.zaidan.info/seikabutsu/2005/01036/pdf/0001.pdf។ បានយកមក 10 June 2010។
- "日越関係発展の方途を探る研究 ヴェトナム独立戦争参加日本人―その実態と日越両国にとっての歴史的意味―"។ 井川 一久។ Tokyo foundation។ May 2006។ http://nippon.zaidan.info/seikabutsu/2006/00197/pdf/0001.pdf។ បានយកមក 10 June 2010។
- Willbanks 2009, ទ. 8
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 24, ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, pp. 23–24 ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Willbanks 2009, ទ. 9
- "Franco-Vietnam Agreement of March 6th, 1946"។ Vietnamgear.com។ 6 March 1946។ http://www.vietnamgear.com/March6agreement.aspx។ បានយកមក 29 April 2011។
- "Pentagon Papers, Gravel Edition, Chapter !, Section 2"។ Mtholyoke.edu។ http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/pentagon/pent2.htm។ បានយកមក 29 April 2011។
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 24 ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- Peter Dennis (1987)។ Troubled days of peace: Mountbatten and South East Asia command, 1945–46។ Manchester University Press ND។ ទំ. 179។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 978-0-7190-2205-0។ http://books.google.com/?id=Inu7AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA179។
- Neale, Jonathan The American War, p. 25 ISBN 1-898876-67-3.
- McNamara, Argument Without End pp. 377–79.
- Pentagon Papers, Gravel, ed, Chapter 2, 'U.S. Involvement in the Franco-Viet Minh War', p. 54.
- Ang, Cheng Guan, The Vietnam War from the Other Side, p. 14. Routledge (2002).
- "The History Place – Vietnam War 1945–1960"។ http://www.historyplace.com/unitedstates/vietnam/index-1945.html។ បានយកមក 11 June 2008។
- Herring, George C.: America's Longest War, p. 18.
- Zinn, A People's History of the United States, p. 471.
- Vietnam The Ten Thousand Day War, Thames 1981, Michael Maclear, p. 57.
- Vietnam at War: The History: 1946–1975, ISBN 978-0-19-506792-7, p. 263.
- Dien Bien Phu, Air Force Magazine 87:8, August 2004.
- Vietnam, Routledge, 1999, Spencer Tucker, ISBN 978-1-85728-922-0, p. 76.
- The U.S. Navy: a history, Naval Institute Press, 1997, Nathan Miller, ISBN 978-1-55750-595-8, pp. 67–68.
- The Pentagon Papers. Gravel, ed. vol. 1, pp. 391–404.
- "William C. Jeffries (2006). Trap Door to the Dark Side". p. 388. ISBN 1-4259-5120-1
- Press release by the Embassy of the Republic of Vietnam, quoted from the Washington, D.C. press and Information Service, vol l. no. 18 (22 July 1955) and no. 20 (18 August 1955), in Chapter 19 of Gettleman, Franklin and Young, Vietnam and America: A Documented History, pp. 103–105.
- Jacobs, pp. 45–55.
- Two Viet-nams by Bernard B. Fall. Praeger, 1964.
- Vietnam Divided by B.S.N. Murti, Asian Publishing House, 1964.
- Robert Turner, Vietnamese Communism: Its Origin and Development, 102 (Stanford Ca: Hoover Institution Press, 1975).
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 238
- Anatomy of a war, Gabiel Kolko, Phoenix press 1994, p. 98.
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- John Prados, "The Numbers Game: How Many Vietnamese Fled South In 1954?", The VVA Veteran, January/February 2005. Retrieved 21 January 2007.
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- The Pentagon Papers (1971), Beacon Press, vol. 3, p. 140.
- The Pentagon Papers (1971), Beacon Press, vol. 3, p. 661.
- The Pentagon Papers (1971), Beacon Press, vol. 3, pp. 570–71.
- Dwight D. Eisenhower. Mandate for Change. Garden City, New Jersey. Doubleday & Company, 1963, p. 372.
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- The Pentagon Papers (1971), Beacon Press, vol. 3, p. 246.
- Woodruff, Mark (2005)។ Unheralded Victory: The Defeat of The Viet Cong and The North Vietnamese។ Arlington, VA: Presidio Press។ ទំ. 6។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 0-8914-1866-0។
- Robert K. Brigham. Battlefield Vietnam: A Brief History.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 224
- Gerdes (ed.) Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War p. 19.
- Robert F. Turner (1975), Vietnamese Communism: Its Origins and Development, Hoover Institution Press, p. 193-94, 202–03, 215–17.
- McNamara Argument Without End p. 19.
- John F. Kennedy. "America's Stakes in Vietnam". Speech to the American Friends of Vietnam, June 1956.
- The Avalon Project at Yale Law School. Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 265 – suggested that "Kennedy sidestepped Laos, whose rugged terrain was no battleground for American soldiers."
- The case of John F. Kennedy and Vietnam Presidential Studies Quarterly.
- Mann, Robert. A Grand Delusion, Basic Books, 2002.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 267
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<ref>tag; no text was provided for refs named
Karnow p. 230
- U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations, vol. 3, pp. 1–2.
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- John Kenneth Galbraith. "Memorandum to President Kennedy from John Kenneth Galbraith on Vietnam, 4 April 1962." The Pentagon Papers. Gravel. ed. Boston, Massachusetts Beacon Press, 1971, vol. 2. pp. 669–671.
- "Vietnam War"។ Swarthmore College Peace Collection។ http://www.swarthmore.edu/library/peace/conscientiousobjection/OverviewVietnamWar.htm។
- International Agreement on the Neutrality of Laos.
- Neil Sheehan (1989) A Bright Shining Lie: John Paul Vann and America in Vietnam. New York, Vintage: 201–66.
- Live interview by John Bartlow Martin. Was Kennedy Planning to Pull out of Vietnam? New York City. John F. Kennedy Library, 1964, Tape V, Reel 1.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 326
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 327
- McNamara Argument Without End p. 328.
- Demma, Vincent H. "The U.S. Army in Vietnam." American Military History (1989) the official history of the United States Army. Available online.
- Douglas Blaufarb. The Counterinsurgency Era. New York City. Free Press, 1977, p. 119.
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- Shooting at the Moon by Roger Warner – The history of CIA/IAD'S 15-year involvement in conducting the secret war in Laos, 1960–1975, and the career of CIA PMCO (paramilitary case officer) Bill Lair.
- Karnow 1991, ទទ. 336–339 – Johnson viewed many members whom he inherited from Kennedy's cabinet with distrust because he had never penetrated their circle early in Kennedy's presidency; to Johnson's mind, such as W. Averell Harriman and Dean Acheson spoke a different language.
- Shortly after the assassination of Kennedy, when McGeorge Bundy called LBJ on the phone, LBJ responded: "Goddammit, Bundy. I've told you that when I want you I'll call you." Brian VanDeMark, Into the Quagmire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 13.
- Vietnam: A History (New York: Penguin books, 1983), p. 339. Before a small group, including Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., the new president also said, "We should stop playing cops and robbers [a reference to Diem's failed leadership] and get back to... winning the war... tell the generals in Saigon that Lyndon Johnson intends to stand by our word...[to] win the contest against the externally directed and supported Communist conspiracy."
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 339 – talking about the Mekong Delta, that, "At a place called Hoa Phu, for example, the strategic hamlet built during the previous summer now looked like it had been hit by a hurricane.... Speaking through an interpreter, a local guard explained to me that a handful of Vietcong agents had entered the hamlet one night and told the peasants to tear it down and return to their native villages. The peasants complied without question."
- National Security Action Memorandum NSAM 263 (11 October 1963).
- NSAM 273 (26 November 1963).
- "NSAM 273: South Vietnam"។ http://www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/archives.hom/NSAMs/nsam273.asp។ បានយកមក 23 June 2011។
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 340 – who quote Minh as enjoying playing tennis more than bureaucratic work.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 341
- Osborn 2002, ទទ. 84–85
- Gerdes (ed.) Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War p. 26.
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- Healy 2009, ទ. 91.
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- Gerdes (ed.) Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War p. 25.
- George C. Herring, America's longest war: the United States and Vietnam 1950–1975 (New York: Wiley, 1979), 121.
- The United States in Vietnam: An analysis in depth of the history of America's involvement in Vietnam by George McTurnan Kahin and John W. Lewis, Delta Books, 1967.
- Hubbel, John G. (November 1968)។ "The Blood-Red Hands of Ho Chi Minh"។ Readers Digest: 61–67។
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- Nalty 1998, pp. 97, 261.
- Earl L. Tilford, Setup: What the Air Force did in Vietnam and Why. Maxwell Air Force Base AL: Air University Press, 1991, p. 89.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 468
- Courtwright 2005, ទ. 210
- Gen. Curtis E LeMay.
- Generations Divide Over Military Action in Iraq។ Pew Research Center។ October 2002។ http://web.archive.org/web/20080202203114rn_1/people-press.org/commentary/display.php3?AnalysisID=57។ (archived from the original on 2 February 2008).
- Ho Chi Minh. Letter to Martin Niemoeller. December 1966. quoted in Marilyn B. Young. The Vietnam Wars: 1945–1990. New York City. Harper, 1991, p. 172.
- McNamara, Argument Without End p. 48.
- The Pentagon Papers (Beacon Press, 1971), vol. 1, p52.
- McNamara, Argument Without End pp. 349–51.
- Mark Moyar (2006)។ Triumph forsaken: the Vietnam War, 1954–1965។ Cambridge University Press។ ទំ. 339។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 978-0-521-86911-9។ http://books.google.com/?id=phJrZ87RwuAC&pg=PA339។
- McNeill 1993, p. 58.
- McNeill 1993, p. 94.
- U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations vol. 4, p. 7.
- McNamara Argument Without End p. 353.
- U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations vol. 5, pp. 8–9.
- U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.-Vietnam Relations vol. 4, pp 117–119. and vol. 5, pp. 8–12.
- Public Papers of the Presidents, 1965. Washington, D.C. Government Printing Office, 1966, vol. 2, pp. 794–799.
- McNamara Argument Without End pp. 353–354.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 453
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 556
- Peter Church. ed. A Short History of South-East Asia. Singapore, John Wiley & Sons, 2006, p. 193.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 706
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 18
- Robert C. Ankony, Lurps: A Ranger's Diary of Tet, Khe Sanh, A Shau, and Quang Tri, revised ed., Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Landham, MD (2009).
- McNamara Argument Without End pp. 363–365.
- Anatomy of a War by Gabriel Kolko ISBN 1-56584-218-9 pp. 308–309.
- Stephen T. Hosmer (1970), Viet Cong Repression and its Implications for the Future (Rand Corporation), pp.72–8.
- "The Guardians at the Gate", Time 7 January 1966, vol. 87, no.1.
- Witz The Tet Offensive: Intelligence Failure in War pp. 1–2.
- Larry Berman. Lyndon Johnson's War. New York, W.W. Norton, 1991, p. 116.
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- Saving Ben Tre.
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- Oberdorfer, Don (1984)។ Tet! The Turning Point in the Vietnam War។ Da Capo Press។ ទំ. 251។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 0-306-80210-4។
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- Wicker, Tom (26 January 1997)។ "Broadcast News"។ New York Times។ http://www.nytimes.com/books/97/01/26/reviews/970126.26wickert.html។ បានយកមក 1 May 2009។
- Sorely 1999, pp. 11–16.
- Gerdes (ed.) Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War p. 27.
- Command Magazine Issue 18, p. 15.
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- "Vietnamization: 1970 Year in Review"។ Upi.com។ 27 October 2011។ http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1970/Apollo-13/12303235577467-2/#title។ បានយកមក 31 October 2011។
- "Ho Chi Minh Dies of Heart Attack in Hanoi"។ The Times: p. 1។ 4 September 1969។
- Jeff Stein, Murder in Wartime: The Untold Spy Story that Changed the Course of the Vietnam War. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992) 60–62.
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- Prince Norodom Sihanouk. "Cambodia Neutral: The Dictates of Necessity." Foreign Affairs 1958, pp. 582–583.
- Dmitry Mosyakov, “The Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese Communists: A History of Their Relations as Told in the Soviet Archives,” in Susan E. Cook, ed., Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda (Yale Genocide Studies Program Monograph Series No. 1, 2004), p54ff. Available online at: www.yale.edu/gsp/publications/Mosyakov.doc "In April–May 1970, many North Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in response to the call for help addressed to Vietnam not by Pol Pot, but by his deputy Nuon Chea. Nguyen Co Thach recalls: “Nuon Chea has asked for help and we have liberated five provinces of Cambodia in ten days.”
- Joe Angio. Nixon a Presidency Revealed. Television Documentary, The History Channel, 15 February 2007.
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- Karnow 1991, ទទ. 644–645
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- Karnow 1991, ទ. 676
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- Leepson 1999, p. 209.
- Dennis et al 2008, pp. 555–558.
- McGibbon 2000, pp. 561–566.
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- Moïse 1996, ទទ. 3–4
- Edelgard Elsbeth Mahant; Graeme S. Mount (1999)។ Invisible and inaudible in Washington: American policies toward Canada។ UBC Press។ ទំ. 50។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 978-0-7748-0703-6។ http://books.google.com/?id=RNdDi0cvn3YC&pg=PA50។
- "Quiet Complicity: Canadian Involvement in the Vietnam War, by Victor Levant (1986)."។ The Canadian Encyclopedia។ បានដាក់ទុកឯកសារ ពី នៅថ្ងៃ 30 September 2007។ http://web.archive.org/web/20070930170925/http://www.canadianencyclopedia.ca/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0008367។ បានយកមក 15 July 2010។
- "Quiet Complicity: Canadian Involvement in the Vietnam War"។ Review by The Manitoba Historical Society។ http://www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/mb_history/16/canadainvietnamwar.shtml។ បានយកមក 15 July 2010។
- "Vietnam War"។ The Canadian Encyclopedia។ http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/articles/vietnam-war។
- Civilian Killings Went Unpunished, by Nick Turse and Deborah Nelson, Los Angeles Times, 6 August 2006
- Nelson, Deborah (6/8/2006)។ "Civilian Killings Went Unpunished"។ http://www.latimes.com/news/la-na-vietnam6aug06,0,7018171,full.story។ បានយកមក 24 February 2013។
- US army continues to avoid legacy of concealed Vietnam crimes,Global Times | 2012-9-27 0:30:03,By James Palmer,http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/735650.shtml
- 16 November 2003, The Vietnam War Crimes You Never Heard Of, Nick Turse, History News Network, http://hnn.us/articles/1802.html
- "Similarly, the Toledo Bladepays particular attention to Sam Ybarra, a "notorious suspect," who was named in seven of the thirty "Tiger Force" war crimes allegations investigated by the Army – including the rape and fatal stabbing of a 13-year-old girl and the brutal killing of a 15-year-old boy." 16 November 2003, The Vietnam War Crimes You Never Heard Of, Nick Turse, History News Network, http://hnn.us/articles/1802.html
- "I've heard of Bumgarner doing it before – planting weapons on bodies when there is doubt as to their military status. I've heard quite a few rumors about Bumgarner killing unarmed people. Only a couple weeks ago I heard that Bumgarner had killed a Vietnamese girl and two younger kids (boys), who didn't have any weapons." 16 November 2003, The Vietnam War Crimes You Never Heard Of, Nick Turse, History News Network, http://hnn.us/articles/1802.html
- Nelson, Deborah (2005)។ The War Behind Me: Vietnam Veterans Confront the Truth About U.S. War Crimes។ Basic Books។ ទំ. 3។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 0465005276។ http://books.google.co.uk/books/about/The_War_Behind_Me.html?id=DUeR22aS7yAC។
- Rummel, Rudolph, Statistics of Vietnamese Democide, in his Statistics of Democide, 1997.
- "Off With Their Hands"។ Newsweek។ 15 May 1967។
- U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, The Human Cost of Communism in Vietnam (1972), p.49.
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- Kirk, Donald, "I watched them saw him 3 days", Chicago Tribune, 14 July 1974.
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- Yates, Ronald, "Priest Won't Leave Refugees Despite Khmer Rouge Threat", Chicago Tribune 17 March 1975.
- Power, Samantha (2002), A Problem From Hell, Perennial Books, pp. 98–99.
- Becker, Elizabeth, "The Agony of Phnom Penh," 'Washington Post, 28 January 1974.
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- Ponchaud, Francois (1978), Cambodia Year Zero, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, pp. 6–7.
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- Albert Parray, Military Review, Soviet aid to Vietnam, June 1967
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- Human Events, 27 August 1977.
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- See also Nghia M. Vo, The Bamboo Gulag: Political Imprisonment in Communist Vietnam (McFarland, 2004)
- Associated Press, 23 June 1979, San Diego Union, 20 July 1986. See generally Nghia M. Vo, The Vietnamese Boat People (2006), 1954 and 1975–1992, McFarland.
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- Statistics of Democide Rudolph Rummel
- Laos (04/09). U.S. Department of State.
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- Gerdes (ed). Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War pp. 14–15.
- Karnow 1991, ទ. 23
- Taylor paraphrases Sun Tzu, The Art of War, trans. Samuel B. Griffith. Oxford, UK. Oxford University Press, 1963.
- "President Richard Nixon's Role in the Vietnam War"។ Vietnam War។ បានដាក់ទុកឯកសារ ពី នៅថ្ងៃ 31 March 2009។ http://replay.waybackmachine.org/20090331152606/http://www.vietnamwar.com/presidentnixonsrole.htm។ បានយកមក 17 October 2009។
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- McNamara Argument Without End p. 368.
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- Karnow 1991, ទ. 17
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- "Echoes of Combat: The Vietnam War in American Memory". Stanford University.
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- The War's Costs. Digital History.
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- Anatomy of a War by Gabriel Kolko, ISBN 1-56584-218-9 pp. 144–145.
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- Angio, Joe. Nixon a Presidency Revealed (2007) The History Channel television documentary
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- Church, Peter ed. A Short History of South-East Asia (2006).
- Cooper, Chester L. The Lost Crusade: America in Vietnam (1970) a Washington insider's memoir of events.
- Courtwright, David T. (2005)។ Sky as frontier: adventure, aviation, and empire (2005 រ.រ.)។ Texas A&M University Press។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 1-58544-419-7។
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- DoD (6 November 1998)។ "Name of Technical Sergeant Richard B. Fitzgibbon to be added to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial"។ Department of Defense (DoD)។ http://www.defense.gov/releases/release.aspx?releaseid=1902។ បានយកមក 31 March 2010។
- Duiker, William J. The Communist Road to Power in Vietnam (1996).
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- Gerdes, Louise I. ed. Examining Issues Through Political Cartoons: The Vietnam War (2005).
- Gettleman, Marvin E.; Franklin, Jane; Young, Marilyn Vietnam and America: A Documented History. (1995).
- Hammond, William. Public Affairs: The Military and the Media, 1962–1968 (1987); Public Affairs: The Military and the Media, 1068–1973 (1995). full-scale history of the war by U.S. Army; much broader than title suggests.
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- Hitchens, Christopher. The Vietnam Syndrome.
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- Lawrence, A. T. (2009)។ Crucible Vietnam: Memoir of an Infantry Lieutenant (2009 រ.រ.)។ McFarland។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 0-7864-4517-3។ .
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- Leepson, Marc ed. Dictionary of the Vietnam War (1999) New York: Webster's New World.
- Lewy, Guenter. America in Vietnam (1978), defends U.S. actions.
- Logevall, Fredrik. The Origins of the Vietnam War (Longman [Seminar Studies in History] 2001).
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- McNamara, Robert, James Blight, Robert Brigham, Thomas Biersteker, Herbert Schandler, Argument Without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy, (Public Affairs, 1999).
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- Milne, David. America's Rasputin: Walt Rostow and the Vietnam War (Hill & Wang, 2008).
- Moise, Edwin E. Historical Dictionary of the Vietnam War (2002).
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- Moss, George D. Vietnam (4th ed 2002) textbook.
- Moyar, Mark. Triumph Forsaken: The Vietnam War, 1954–1965, (Cambridge University Press; 412 pages; 2006). A revisionist history that challenges the notion that U.S. involvement in Vietnam was misguided; defends the validity of the domino theory and disputes the notion that Ho Chi Minh was, at heart, a nationalist who would eventually turn against his Communist Chinese allies.
- Major General Spurgeon Neel. Medical Support of the U.S. Army in Vietnam 1965–1970 (Department of the Army 1991) official medical history
- Nulty, Bernard.The Vietnam War (1998) New York: Barnes and Noble.
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- Palmer, Bruce, Jr. The Twenty-Five Year War (1984), narrative military history by a senior U.S. general.
- Schell, Jonathan. The Time of Illusion (1976).
- Schulzinger, Robert D. A Time for War: The United States and Vietnam, 1941–1975 (1997).
- Sorley, Lewis, A Better War: The Unexamined Victories and Final Tragedy of America's Last Years in Vietnam (1999), based upon still classified tape-recorded meetings of top level US commanders in Vietnam, ISBN 0-15-601309-6
- Spector, Ronald. After Tet: The Bloodiest Year in Vietnam (1992), very broad coverage of 1968.
- Stanton, Shelby L. (2003)។ Vietnam order of battle (2003 រ.រ.)។ Stackpole Books។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 0-8117-0071-2។
- Summers, Harry G. On Strategy: A Critical Analysis of the Vietnam War, Presidio press (1982), ISBN 0-89141-563-7 (225 pages)
- Tucker, Spencer. ed. Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War (1998) 3 vol. reference set; also one-volume abridgement (2001).
- Willbanks, James H. (2009)។ Vietnam War almanac។ Infobase Publishing។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 978-0-8160-7102-9។ http://books.google.com/?id=X5WWklFB5O4C។
- Witz, James J. The Tet Offensive: Intelligence Failure in War (1991).
- Young, Marilyn, B. The Vietnam Wars: 1945–1990. (1991).
- Xiaoming, Zhang. "China's 1979 War With Vietnam: A Reassessment", China Quarterly. Issue no. 184, (December 2005) "CJO – Abstract – China's 1979 War with Vietnam: A Reassessment"។ http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=358806។ បានយកមក 11 June 2008។
- Carter, Jimmy. By The President Of The United States Of America, A Proclamation Granting Pardon For Violations Of The Selective Service Act, 4 August 1964 To 28 March 1973 (21 January 1977)
- Central Intelligence Agency. "Laos", CIA World Factbook'
- Cora Weiss Collection (materials related to war resistance and peace activism movements during the Vietnam War), Lloyd Sealy Library Special Collections, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
- Kolko, Gabriel The End of the Vietnam War, 30 Years Later
- Eisenhower, Dwight D. Mandate for Change. (1963) a presidential political memoir
- Ho, Chi Minh. "Vietnam Declaration of Independence", Selected Works. (1960–1962) selected writings
- LeMay, General Curtis E. and Kantor, MacKinlay. Mission with LeMay (1965) autobiography of controversial former Chief of Staff of the United States Air Force
- Kissinger, United States Secretary of State Henry A. "Lessons on Vietnam", (1975) secret memoranda to U.S. President Ford
- Kim A. O'Connell, ed. Primary Source Accounts of the Vietnam War (2006)
- McCain, John. Faith of My Fathers: A Family Memoir (1999) *Marshall, Kathryn. In the Combat Zone: An Oral History of American Women in Vietnam, 1966–1975 (1987)
- Martin, John Bartlow. Was Kennedy Planning to Pull out of Vietnam? (1964) oral history for the John F. Kennedy Library, tape V, reel 1.
- Myers, Thomas. Walking Point: American Narratives of Vietnam (1988)
- Public Papers of the Presidents, 1965 (1966) official documents of U.S. presidents.
- Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr. Robert Kennedy and His Times. (1978) a first-hand account of the Kennedy administration by one of his principal advisors
- Sinhanouk, Prince Norodom. "Cambodia Neutral: The Dictates of Necessity." Foreign Affairs. (1958) describes the geopolitical situation of Cambodia
- Tang, Truong Nhu. A Vietcong Memoir (1985), revealing account by senior NLF official
- Terry, Wallace, ed. Bloods: An Oral History of the Vietnam War by Black Veterans (1984)
- Truong, Như Tảng; David Chanoff, Van Toai Doan (1985)។ A Vietcong memoir (1985 រ.រ.)។ Harcourt Brace Jovanovich។ ល.ស.ប.អ. 978-0-15-193636-6។ - Total pages: 350
- The landmark series Vietnam: A Television History, first broadcast in 1983, is a special presentation of the award-winning PBS history series, American Experience.
- The Pentagon Papers (Gravel ed. 5 vol 1971); combination of narrative and secret documents compiled by Pentagon. excerpts
- U.S. Department of State. Foreign Relations of the United States (multivolume collection of official secret documents) vol 1: 1964; vol 2: 1965; vol 3: 1965; vol 4: 1966;
- U.S. Department of Defense and the House Committee on Armed Services. U.S.-Vietnam Relations, 1945–1967. Washington, D.C. Department of Defense and the House Committee on Armed Services, 1971, 12 volumes.
- Vann, John Paul Quotes from Answers.com Lt. Colonel, U.S. Army, DFC, DSC, advisor to the ARVN 7th Division, early critic of the conduct of the war.
- Hall, Simon, "Scholarly Battles over the Vietnam War," Historical Journal 52 (Sept. 2009), 813–29.
|រូបភាពនិងមីឌាពី Wikimedia Commons
- American Ethnography – On collecting engraved Zippos from the Vietnam War
- Battlefield Vietnam PBS interactive site
- Complete text of the Gravel Edition of the Pentagon Papers with supporting documents, maps, and photos
- Documents Relating to American Foreign Policy-Vietnam primary sources on U.S. involvement
- Fallout of the War from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives
- Glossary of Military Terms & Slang from the Vietnam War
- Impressions of Vietnam and descriptions of the daily life of a soldier from the oral history of Elliott Gardner, U.S. Army
- Photographic history of 1st Air Cavalry Division LRRP / Rangers 1968.
- Sober thoughts on 30 April : The South Vietnam Liberation Front and Hanoi, Myth and Reality Speech by the former Minister of Information of the Republic of Vietnam.
- Stephen H. Warner Southeast Asia Photograph Collection at Gettysburg College
- The Effects of Vietnamization on the Republic of Vietnam's Armed Forces, 1969–1972
- Timeline US – Vietnam (1947–2001) in Open-Content project
- The U.S. Army in Vietnam the official history of the United States Army
- The Vietnam War at The History Channel
- UC Berkeley Library Social Activism Sound Recording Project: Anti-Vietnam War Protests
- Vietnam Casualties database searchable by first name, last name and location
- Vietnam War Bibliography covers online and published resources
- Vietnam war timeline comprehensive timeline of the Vietnam War
- Virtual Vietnam Archive – Texas Tech University